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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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8 The representation of bus<strong>in</strong>ess elites <strong>in</strong>regional politicsÉtatism, elitism, <strong>and</strong> clientelismRostislav TurovskiiBus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>and</strong> politics are closely connected. Many members of the bus<strong>in</strong>esselite are members of <strong>in</strong>fluential <strong>in</strong>terest groups. In democratic polyarchies,western students of political science have noted the disproportionate <strong>in</strong>fluenceof large economic corporations <strong>in</strong> the political process. 1 The role of economiccorporations with their resources <strong>and</strong> political <strong>in</strong>terests is one of thereasons for a deformation of polyarchies, <strong>in</strong> which the dispersion of power isfar from even.<strong>Russia</strong> is clearly not a western-type polyarchy. The concentration of power<strong>in</strong> the h<strong>and</strong>s of certa<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluence groups is much higher than <strong>in</strong> the West, <strong>and</strong>politically active bus<strong>in</strong>ess structures usually compete with high-rank<strong>in</strong>g stateofficials for <strong>in</strong>fluence or enter <strong>in</strong>to clientelistic relations with them. The<strong>Russia</strong>n situation should be analysed from the st<strong>and</strong>po<strong>in</strong>t of elitism, ratherthan competitive polyarchy because of this massive concentration of power<strong>in</strong> the h<strong>and</strong>s of power <strong>and</strong> bus<strong>in</strong>ess elites. Members of these economic <strong>and</strong>political elites are closely <strong>in</strong>tertw<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> at the same time split <strong>in</strong>to rivall<strong>in</strong>ggroups.Unequal access to power has been characteristic of <strong>Russia</strong> at every stageof its history. The post-Soviet period is no exception, epitomized as it is by asharp <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> socio-economic <strong>in</strong>equalities <strong>and</strong> new <strong>and</strong> deeper forms ofsocial <strong>in</strong>equality brought about <strong>in</strong> the transition from communism to capitalism.When public <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> politics is low, personal <strong>in</strong>volvement is <strong>in</strong>significant <strong>and</strong>party politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest group activity is badly organized, politics becomes aplayground for small groups well endowed with f<strong>in</strong>ancial resources <strong>and</strong> roots <strong>in</strong>the bus<strong>in</strong>ess environment, or those enjoy<strong>in</strong>g patrimonial–clientelistic relationswith the bus<strong>in</strong>ess environment.The universal rationality model, or ‘rational choice theory’, seems to bethe most obvious analytic paradigm to employ when study<strong>in</strong>g the politicalactivity of bus<strong>in</strong>ess structures <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual entrepreneurs. This stems fromanother pr<strong>in</strong>ciple widely regarded as self-evident, namely that an entrepreneuris by def<strong>in</strong>ition a rational actor <strong>in</strong> the economic realm <strong>and</strong> that suchrational behaviour will be transferred to the political realm. In our case ga<strong>in</strong>means not only a growth of political <strong>in</strong>fluence, but also an expansion of thefirms of those entrepreneurs who engage <strong>in</strong> politics. The political market, as

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