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African Folklore: An Encyclopedia - Marshalls University

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<strong>African</strong> folklore 1008<br />

government. These violent campaigns justified themselves by arguing that Vodou<br />

tarnished Haiti’s image in the eyes of the larger world. Ironically, the reverse was more<br />

accurate: Vodou was being demonized by Europe and America in order to keep Haiti,<br />

and what it stood for, under control. The only art objects that seem to have survived the<br />

Atlantic crossing with some frequency were the small pouches of earth from the<br />

homeland that some slaves wore around their necks.<br />

Caribbean Art Forms<br />

Transitory and performative religious art forms did develop in the slave colonies of the<br />

Caribbean, but it is important to remember that all religious practices, except those of the<br />

colonials, were discouraged in such settings, which is not to say they did not persist<br />

anyway. One example of transitory art is the elaborate Vodou veve, traced in fragile<br />

cornmeal on temple floors, only to be destroyed before the end of the ceremony.<br />

Possession became more elaborate and more extemporaneous in Haiti than it was in the<br />

<strong>African</strong> homelands. The possession performances of those Vodou practitioners “ridden”<br />

by the spirits are not only evidence of religious practices enduring in the New World,<br />

they are a testament to the creative adaptation of old ritual techniques to new social<br />

environments.<br />

Wanga represent another kind of art form. Wanga are a form of “treatment” in the<br />

healing repertoire of the average Vodou priest (oungan) or priestess (manbo). Although<br />

wanga may not be beautiful these homely, practical Vodou constructs (e.g., good luck<br />

charms and healing magic) are perhaps the most complex and the most aesthetically rich<br />

of Haiti’s material art forms. Wanga are eclectic blends of similar objects produced in<br />

West and Central Africa (such as bocio and minkisi) with elements drawn from<br />

eighteenth-century French Catholicism and its saints, miracles, relics, and talismans.<br />

The Kongo minkisi, sometimes little more than tied and sutured bundles filled with<br />

articulate discursive materials (seeds, bark, animal parts, bones, resin, rocks, leaves of all<br />

kinds, bits of chalk, and so forth) were models for Vodou ritual objects called pake<br />

Kongo. Pake are common on Vodou altars. These pake are manufactured in the process<br />

of Vodou initiation and are associated with cleansing and healing powers. The most<br />

common type of Vodou pake starts from a bundle of herbs and other materials pounded<br />

and flattened into a thick disk. The herbal mass is then enveloped in brightly colored<br />

cloth. Ribbons in contrasting colors bind the pake into a tight bundle. These same ribbons<br />

also bind the excess cloth at the top of the pake, thus creating an extended “neck.” The<br />

neck rises straight up from the herbal base and is decorated with feathers, horns, and<br />

sometimes a crucifix. All of these objects further specify the spirits to whom the pake are<br />

dedicated, and therefore the person who has that lwa as a central spirit. Pake, like many<br />

Kongo minkisi, can be strikingly anthropomorphic. For example, some have “arms”<br />

sprouting from the ribbon-bound neck that make the pake look like a woman with her<br />

arms akimbo. Vodou pake Kongo also share with Kongo minkisi a tendency to blur the<br />

distinction between the sacerdote (priest) and the source of his or her power.<br />

Fon bocio (a term translated as “empowered cadaver”) are strong, expressive wooden<br />

figures manufactured through related traditions of tying and binding. Applying<br />

psychological theory to these figures, Suzanne Blier argues that they function to

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