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African Folklore: An Encyclopedia - Marshalls University

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<strong>African</strong> Americans 71<br />

chiefdoms and displaced others. The power of the Zulu kings became entrenched through<br />

a combination of military superiority and their control of foreign goods. The increasingly<br />

active role played by Portuguese traders settled at Delgoa Bay probably intensified both<br />

regional conflict and the centralizing mandate of the Zulu kings to command authority<br />

over this artery of trade. Dingiswayo decreed commerce in foreign goods to be his<br />

personal privilege and ordered that any of his subjects engaging in their barter be put to<br />

death. By 1819 his successor and nephew, Shaka, had established himself as the allpowerful<br />

ruler of a single kingdom and continued to expand the Zulu Kingdom’s<br />

influence over the next decade. Among his strategies for centralizing regional power, all<br />

new bead varieties were brought to his capital and reserved for his own use and<br />

distribution.<br />

When the first British traders settled at Port Natal in 1825, they found that glass beads<br />

had been incorporated into a cohesive Zulu culture and played an important role in many<br />

of the rituals, customs, and ceremonies of the Zulu nation. The varieties and colors of the<br />

beads that people were permitted to wear reflected both their social position and personal<br />

achievements. In men’s ceremonial dress beads were combined with feathers, animal<br />

skins, and large copper and bronze arm rings. Strings of metal beads were often the<br />

reward for feats of valor.<br />

The decline and fragmentation of the Zulu monarchy during the reign of King<br />

Cetshwayo (1872–1879) may be seen reflected in a diversification of Zulu beadwork<br />

styles. Although Cetswhayo prevailed over the British at the famous battle of<br />

Isandhlwana, his subsequent capture was followed by the disintegration of Zulu unity.<br />

The ensuing lack of centralized control, greater access to beads through trade, and desire<br />

by various groups to build independent identities for themselves led to a proliferation of<br />

new forms of beadwork.<br />

In contrast to the official statement made by the regalia of royalty, personal forms of<br />

Zulu adornment designed according to a codified system of pattern and color have been<br />

described as a language able to communicate on a number of different levels. As in<br />

Ndebele society, Zulu beadwork commented on the wearer’s age group, marital status,<br />

economic level, and region of origin. Beyond this, however, rectangular bead panels<br />

made by young women for their lovers publicly acknowledged their courtship. Referred<br />

to as “love letters,” their compositions furthermore convey specific messages across color<br />

and linear configurations. In such instances, colored beads did not act as an alphabet but<br />

rather as ideograms. A particular bead or combination of beads, triggered a series of<br />

associations. In some instances these referred to universally recognizable phrases used<br />

during courting, while in others, they were of a more intimate and idiosyncratic nature,<br />

not overtly legible to outsiders.<br />

Since the 1920s, a sense of Zulu ethnic, cultural, and national consciousness has been<br />

revived under traditional leadership. Each spring young women come to the capital from<br />

all over the kingdom to perform a national dance before their monarch and his assembled<br />

guests. The king uses this occasion of the Umhlanga or Reed dance to speak directly to<br />

the youth of the nation and as a platform from which he can make larger political<br />

statements. As many as four thousand girls dressed in the finest dancing costumes are<br />

matched and complemented by the regalia of older men and women, speakers from the<br />

royal house, and the KwaZulu government.

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