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African Folklore: An Encyclopedia - Marshalls University

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<strong>African</strong> Americans 677<br />

unconditionally (Williams 1994). Richard Wright accused her of “the minstrel technique<br />

that makes ‘white folks’ laugh” (1993, 17). Hurston’s work appeared in the wake of the<br />

popularity of Joel Chandler Harris’s Uncle Remus, and, misrecognizing her style, critics<br />

drew an unfortunate connection between the two (see Moon 1993, 10, and Gannett 1993,<br />

11).<br />

However, the emerging field of performance studies is moving closer to Hurston’s<br />

model of performance as both an interactive method for research and a subject of study.<br />

Hurston’s interactive approach to folklore did not freeze tales on the printed page as<br />

bounded objects of study. She understood the intersubjective, intertextual, and<br />

intergeneric practices at the heart of <strong>African</strong> American mimicry and parody, and she also<br />

used and played on these relations in her own theatrical and written work. She already<br />

knew what Olabiyi Yai understood and advocated in 1989, that “from the point of view<br />

of oral poetics, oral poetry strictly speaking should not even be described. We know it by<br />

practicing it and by contributing to its making” (Yai 1989, 68). As a bearer of <strong>African</strong>-<br />

American tradition herself, Hurston was true to the practice. She did not describe or<br />

explicitly analyze so much as she practiced her embodied knowledge of oral poetics,<br />

albeit in written form through her translations, but she also contributed to its making (in<br />

Yai’s sense) by restaging it in both literary and theatrical forms for broader audiences.<br />

Hurston’s participatory practice in the study of folklore, no doubt based on her first-hand<br />

experience of it from childhood, gave her access to the processes of its production, which<br />

enabled her to subvert the objectivist bias in folklore. As D.A. Boxwell put it.<br />

According to [objectivist] standards, Mules and Men, with its highly<br />

visible, intensely subjective, and active narrator and distinctly felt “author<br />

image,” appears to be a willful violation of long-held and persistent<br />

attitudes to socialscientific writing. Yet it is now possible, I think, to view<br />

Hurston’s work as a striking prefiguration of theories articulated in<br />

Clifford Geertz’s recent writings about the limitations of Boasian attitudes<br />

toward ethnography. (1992, 607)<br />

It is also this very unconventional practice, and the impact of the legacy of objectivism on<br />

contemporary folklore, that all too easily allows Hurston to be consistently ignored as the<br />

quintessential folklorist employing performance theory. For, while she set out to translate<br />

storytelling into literature, her mode of presentation documented the ongoing processes of<br />

communal interactions as performance.<br />

References<br />

Bakhtin, Mikail. 1968. Rabelais and His World. Tr. Helen Iswolski. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.<br />

——. 1981. The Dialogic Imagination. Ed. M.Holquist. Tr. Caryl Emerson. Austin: <strong>University</strong> of<br />

Texas Press.<br />

Barber, Karin. 1987. Popular Arts in Africa. <strong>African</strong> Studies Review 3, no. 3:1–78.<br />

Bateson, Gregory. 1958. Naven. 2d ed. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford <strong>University</strong> Press.<br />

——. 1972. Steps to an Ecology of Mind. San Francisco: Chandler.<br />

Bauman, Richard. 1977. Verbal Art as Performance. Prospect Heights, 111.: Waveland.

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