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African Folklore: An Encyclopedia - Marshalls University

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<strong>African</strong> folklore 674<br />

social processes—remain largely unresearched. As long as researchers continue to<br />

privilege one medium, genre, or context, that is, to view a performance as an isolated<br />

event, rather than as part of an ongoing process in continual dialogue and flux, the<br />

concept of performance will remain static and reductive. <strong>An</strong>d it is in this area that a<br />

performance paradigm as a research method can advance folklore research.<br />

Performance challenges the notion of an objective social reality, as well as the notion<br />

that society and human beings are products. Not only is performance production, but both<br />

society and human beings are performative, always under construction. As restored<br />

behavior, both performance and research entail repetition—not as reproduction, but as a<br />

transformational process involving acts of re-presentation with critical differences. As<br />

such, both performance and research necessarily involve relations between the past and<br />

individual agents’ interpretations, inscriptions, and revisions of that past in present theory<br />

and practice.<br />

Instead, however—strongly reflecting a materialist-objectivist bias—most research in<br />

Africa renders performance “thinglike”—by turning it into structures and sets of symbols,<br />

in the case of ritual; graphic notation, in the case of music; and the printed word, in the<br />

case of oral literature. Olabiyi Yai takes issue with folklorists who rely substantially on<br />

transcriptions:<br />

Thus, the “text” of an oral poem is fixed and mummified, paralinguistic<br />

elements being the only elements of variation. This, in our view, imposes<br />

drastic limitations on the generative latitude of the translator-performer,<br />

thereby ignoring the essence of oral translation which is recreation. In our<br />

model, improvisation is basic and the translator-performer may even add<br />

“lines” of his/her own making to the “text” which is never closed, once<br />

he/she is inspired by the mood or the muse of the genre. (1989, 68–69)<br />

To involve oneself in the production of performance means learning techniques and<br />

styles and, above all, learning to improvise. Yai’s model, in fact, would be a good model<br />

for fieldwork on performance generally.<br />

In focusing on transcriptions of texts, research reifies performance as a spatialized<br />

representation for mental cognition alone, as if detached from the human bodies that<br />

practice it. Ruth Finnegan has shown how this works in the study of music:<br />

Musical art too tends to be equated with its written form, so that if<br />

something is not written it is assessed as not “really” music, or at any rate<br />

not worth serious scholarly study. In traditional western musicology<br />

“music” is usually defined as the musical work, itself in turn defined as its<br />

written formulation—the score—rather than, for instance, the process of<br />

playing or singing or the act of performance. This emphasis on text is<br />

reinforced by the western educational system…where formal music<br />

training even in unassuming local schools as well as in conservatoire<br />

settings is usually taken to consist in learning to read music: to cope with<br />

notation, learn musical theory, and pass written (not just practical) music<br />

examinations…. As with oral literature, this definition of music as text<br />

leaves out essential elements of the art form as actually practiced by

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