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African Folklore: An Encyclopedia - Marshalls University

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<strong>African</strong> Americans 891<br />

collected by Finnegan (1985), and Ottenberg’s unpublished notes from 1978 to 1980 on<br />

the northeastern Limba in Wara Wara Bafodea chiefdom. Stories are called mboro, a<br />

term also used for riddles, proverbs, parables, analogies, metaphors, and, occasionally,<br />

historical narratives.<br />

According to Finnegan, Limba stories are usually short, untitled, uncomplicated, and<br />

not rigidly fixed. The narrators, mostly males, alter and embellish them, and occasionally<br />

create new stories or take them from elsewhere. According to Finnegan, “there is no one<br />

form of any Limba story that could be called the fixed or ‘correct’ one” (1967, 91). The<br />

Limba possess little specialized vocabulary to describe stories and storytelling, and there<br />

is no special term for the narrator. Story vocabulary is like everyday speech, and action in<br />

the tales usually take place in a Limba village, though the texts are sometimes obscure.<br />

Some stories are told in the daytime, but most are presented at night in Limba villages,<br />

occasionally at the farms, and palm wine is often drunk during the storytelling. Narrator<br />

and audience sing in a call-and-response pattern in the midst of the tale, with audience<br />

clapping. The narrator often appoints a responder from the listeners, who supports or<br />

comments as the story unfolds. Narrators are of all ages, and stories are not owned by<br />

individuals, families, or clans, as is the case among Native Americans of the Northwest<br />

Coast of the United States. The audience is normally composed of males and females of<br />

various ages with plenty of children also in attendance.<br />

Storytelling is but one aspect of the emphasis on speaking well among Limba. Muslim<br />

influences on tales through Mandingo and Fulani living in Limba country occur, as well<br />

as Western influences. Stories refer to past times, but flashbacks within them are rare.<br />

The inner feelings of characters in the stories are rarely developed; the emphasis is on<br />

action. Limba are proud of their stories, which serve as ethnic markers for them, even<br />

though similar tales occur in neighboring cultures. Historical narratives are not usually<br />

found at Limba story sessions but rather in the context of court cases and political<br />

conflicts, where songs and clapping do not occur. While many stories have moral<br />

elements, aesthetic features such as humor and fantasy are very significant. Finnegan<br />

believes that Limba stories not only reflect life but influence it.<br />

Types of Stories<br />

Finnegan classifies stories into those about people, those about religion and the high God,<br />

Kanu (also called Kanu Masala, Masala, or, occasionally Allah) and those based on<br />

animals. She indicates there is much classificatory overlap, however, and the Limba<br />

themselves do not classify their tales. People stories, the most popular and elaborate<br />

form, often involve marital or parent-child conflicts, where women play strong,<br />

aggressive, and sometimes treacherous roles, more so than in everyday Limba life. Love<br />

and spouse-wooing themes and competitions are common. Killings, beatings and<br />

revenge, adultery, and the plight of orphans are also frequent themes, suggesting<br />

underlying family tensions in Limba life. Some people stories involve chiefs and<br />

succession to chieftaincy, where chiefs may act poorly and are punished, suggesting some<br />

anxiety among the Limba over leadership. Little reference occurs to colonial or modern<br />

political situations. Hunter tales are common, as are stories involving twins and triplets.

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