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Jack Salzman, Cornel West Struggles in the Promised

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Introduction \\ 9<br />

suddenly, Jews control <strong>the</strong> slave trade—as, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same conspiratorial ve<strong>in</strong>, "<strong>the</strong>y"<br />

control Hollywood and <strong>the</strong> media. The statement begs <strong>the</strong> obvious question:<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce Jews are hardly a homogeneous people, is <strong>the</strong>re anyth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Judaism that<br />

def<strong>in</strong>ed a Jew's relationship to slavery? The essays by Goldenberg, Davis, and<br />

Silverman all respond to that question. To speak of "The Jews," just as to speak<br />

of "The Blacks," always distorts, and almost always offends.<br />

The significance of generalities is central to Hasia D<strong>in</strong>er's consideration of<br />

Black-Jewish relations between 1880 and 1935. When Black migration to nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

cities from <strong>the</strong> South connected with Jewish immigration from Eastern<br />

Europe, Blacks and Jews began to exist for <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r "as a k<strong>in</strong>d of mythic mirror,<br />

by which <strong>the</strong>y reflected and refracted on <strong>the</strong>mselves and on <strong>the</strong>ir respective histories."<br />

Many Jews, D<strong>in</strong>er notes, considered <strong>the</strong> subjugation of African Americans<br />

"a sta<strong>in</strong> of shame on <strong>the</strong> American flag"; many African Americans, at least <strong>in</strong>stitutional<br />

leaders, considered <strong>the</strong> efforts of Jews to succeed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States as<br />

a model for African Americans to emulate. But <strong>the</strong> actual <strong>in</strong>teraction between<br />

Blacks and Jews was far more complex than <strong>the</strong> rhetoric of <strong>in</strong>stitutions. Jews may<br />

have hired Black domestics and sold goods <strong>in</strong> areas where o<strong>the</strong>r whites would not,<br />

but that did not mean that Blacks did not f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> attitude of Jews paternalistic<br />

and demean<strong>in</strong>g. What D<strong>in</strong>er f<strong>in</strong>ally questions, however, is not <strong>the</strong> bad feel<strong>in</strong>g<br />

that began to develop <strong>in</strong> urban areas, but what we actually know about <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>teraction<br />

between Blacks and Jews <strong>in</strong> large cities, as well as <strong>in</strong> small towns <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

South. Were Jews as pervasive <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> daily lives of African Americans as accounts<br />

would <strong>in</strong>dicate, or were whites <strong>in</strong> general assumed to be Jewish? "The spottmess<br />

and ahistoricity of <strong>the</strong> popularly accepted generalizations," D<strong>in</strong>er notes, "render<br />

all statements about <strong>the</strong> past relationship particularly problematic."<br />

Jonathan Kaufman cont<strong>in</strong>ues <strong>the</strong> story begun by D<strong>in</strong>er, but his emphasis is<br />

substantially different. For Kaufman, cities <strong>in</strong>itially were <strong>the</strong> scenes of cooperation<br />

between Jews and Blacks. After 1966, however, when Mart<strong>in</strong> Lu<strong>the</strong>r K<strong>in</strong>g,<br />

Jr., decided to move <strong>the</strong> struggle for civil rights to <strong>the</strong> cities, <strong>the</strong>y became more<br />

<strong>in</strong>tense; at first a test<strong>in</strong>g ground, cities became <strong>the</strong> battleground for Blacks and<br />

Jews as <strong>the</strong>y moved from cooperation to confrontation. Two dramatic events that<br />

occurred <strong>in</strong> sections of Brooklyn, New York—<strong>the</strong> struggle for community control<br />

of schools <strong>in</strong> Ocean Hill-Brownsville <strong>in</strong> 1967 and <strong>the</strong> violence <strong>in</strong> Crown Heights<br />

<strong>in</strong> 1991—give shape to Kaufman's contention that <strong>the</strong> cities are where Jews<br />

atta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>ir greatest success, while for African Americans cities represent both<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir greatest successes and <strong>the</strong>ir greatest failures.<br />

The struggle for civil rights makes up <strong>the</strong> next part of <strong>Struggles</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Promised</strong><br />

~Land. If <strong>the</strong>re is anyth<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> relationship between Blacks and Jews that has<br />

common consent, it is that <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement provided <strong>the</strong> occasion for a<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>gful alliance. But even that assertion is now be<strong>in</strong>g scrut<strong>in</strong>ized. At issue is<br />

not Jewish <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement—as dist<strong>in</strong>ct, perhaps, from<br />

<strong>the</strong> struggle for civil rights—but <strong>the</strong> extent and mean<strong>in</strong>g of that <strong>in</strong>volvement.<br />

Just how tangled even this part of <strong>the</strong> history has become can be witnessed by a

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