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Jack Salzman, Cornel West Struggles in the Promised

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The Need to Remember \\ 239<br />

The extension of <strong>the</strong> Armstrong perspective evolved <strong>in</strong> tandem with <strong>the</strong> dramatic<br />

growth and alteration of <strong>the</strong> nation's economy. Between <strong>the</strong> Civil War and<br />

1900, America's corporate culture changed profoundly. A new class of professional<br />

managers took over <strong>the</strong> day-to-day operations of many companies, beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />

with railroads. Concomitantly, bus<strong>in</strong>ess sectors standardized operations and pric<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Spurred by an extraord<strong>in</strong>ary sav<strong>in</strong>gs rate that <strong>in</strong>creased from a significant<br />

10-12 percent <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1850s to a stagger<strong>in</strong>g 18—20 percent between 1865 and<br />

1914, capital was available to <strong>in</strong>ventors, entrepreneurs, and corporations. This<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestment capital provided <strong>the</strong> revenues needed to fuel an <strong>in</strong>dustrial revolution.<br />

As important, America's corporate leaders embarked on a campaign of consolidation.<br />

This practice drove out competition and generated huge profits and personal<br />

fortunes for those who survived. Some would call <strong>the</strong> new capitalists "Robber<br />

Barons"; o<strong>the</strong>rs called <strong>the</strong>m friends and donors. 28<br />

Booker T. Wash<strong>in</strong>gton, Hampton graduate and perhaps <strong>the</strong> most important<br />

African American leader to emerge after <strong>the</strong> Civil War, preferred <strong>the</strong> later label.<br />

Wash<strong>in</strong>gton took <strong>the</strong> Hampton model of discipl<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>dustrial tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g to<br />

Tuskegee, Alabama, where he created an educational <strong>in</strong>stitution and political<br />

fiefdom of unequaled endowment. At Tuskegee Institute Wash<strong>in</strong>gton also developed<br />

a style of cultivat<strong>in</strong>g new capitalists <strong>in</strong>to benefactors. He did so by exploit<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>the</strong> politics of racial belief.<br />

Wash<strong>in</strong>gton biographer Louis Harlan called him an astute politician. Like<br />

many politicians, Wash<strong>in</strong>gton cultivated relationships, sometimes compromis<strong>in</strong>g<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciple for results. Thus he appeared quite at ease with William H. Baldw<strong>in</strong>'s<br />

pronouncement that Blacks were <strong>the</strong> real alternative to <strong>the</strong> threat of unionized<br />

labor. Baldw<strong>in</strong>, a railroad executive and soon to be philanthropist, jo<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong><br />

Tuskegee board of trustees <strong>in</strong> 1894. A lifelong opponent of classical higher education<br />

for Blacks, <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn-born and educated Baldw<strong>in</strong> argued that <strong>in</strong>dustrial<br />

education tra<strong>in</strong>ed Blacks for <strong>the</strong>ir roles as <strong>the</strong> backbone of <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn economy.<br />

In an 1899 address he ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed, "properly directed he...will will<strong>in</strong>gly fill<br />

<strong>the</strong> more menial positions, and do <strong>the</strong> heavy work, at less wages, than <strong>the</strong><br />

American white man or any foreign race which has yet come to our shores." So<br />

sure was Baldw<strong>in</strong> of Wash<strong>in</strong>gton and <strong>in</strong>dustrial education that he enlisted scores<br />

of o<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>in</strong> fund<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dustrial education for Blacks. 29<br />

The sure-footedness of Wash<strong>in</strong>gton and his advisors meant much to sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

Blacks, even as <strong>the</strong> limits of <strong>the</strong>ir visions soon prompted a lively debate over <strong>the</strong><br />

hazards of a s<strong>in</strong>gular approach to <strong>the</strong> education of <strong>the</strong> Black masses. This debate<br />

did not stop Robert G. Ogden, Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller, George<br />

Foster Peabody, and o<strong>the</strong>rs from rais<strong>in</strong>g and donat<strong>in</strong>g millions for <strong>the</strong> education<br />

of Black sou<strong>the</strong>rners. Rockefeller, for example, gave $53 million to <strong>the</strong> General<br />

Education Board between 1902 and 1909, primarily for tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Black teachers. 30<br />

Hundreds of miles to <strong>the</strong> north a new wave of European Jews, who fled <strong>the</strong><br />

pogroms <strong>in</strong> Eastern Europe, began to establish <strong>the</strong>mselves. They came by <strong>the</strong> millions<br />

and <strong>the</strong>y stayed. The majority settled <strong>in</strong> New York, New Jersey,

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