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Jack Salzman, Cornel West Struggles in the Promised

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376 // PATRICIA J.WILLIAMS<br />

symbolized <strong>the</strong> warmth and community of her happy sou<strong>the</strong>rn home. This act<br />

produced a strong series of public denunciations from many o<strong>the</strong>r students,<br />

Blacks <strong>in</strong> particular, who described <strong>the</strong> symbolic significance of <strong>the</strong> Confederacy<br />

as a white community forged aga<strong>in</strong>st a backdrop offeree, <strong>in</strong>timidation, and death<br />

for Blacks. Eventually one Black student hung a sheet with a swastika pa<strong>in</strong>ted on<br />

it out her w<strong>in</strong>dow, with <strong>the</strong> expressed hope that <strong>the</strong> university would force both<br />

her and <strong>the</strong> white student to remove such displays. The university did not, and<br />

eventually <strong>the</strong> Black student removed her flag voluntarily <strong>in</strong> view of <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />

it was creat<strong>in</strong>g tensions between Black and Jewish students.<br />

While <strong>the</strong> entire debate surround<strong>in</strong>g this <strong>in</strong>cident focused predictably on free<br />

speech issues, what seemed strange to me was a repeated and unexam<strong>in</strong>ed imbalance<br />

<strong>in</strong> how <strong>the</strong> two students' acts were discussed. On <strong>the</strong> one hand, <strong>the</strong>re was a<br />

ubiquitous assumption that <strong>the</strong> white student's attribution of mean<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong><br />

Confederate flag was "just hers," so no one else had any "bus<strong>in</strong>ess" compla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />

about it. The flag's mean<strong>in</strong>g became a form of private property that she could control<br />

exclusively and despite o<strong>the</strong>r assertions of its symbolic power. (Those o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

assertions are just "<strong>the</strong>ir op<strong>in</strong>ion"; all's fair <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> competitive marketplace of<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g.)<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong>re was an assumption that <strong>the</strong> swastika's mean<strong>in</strong>g was<br />

fixed, transcendent, "universally" understood as evil. The Black student's attempt<br />

to <strong>in</strong>fuse it with "her" contextualized mean<strong>in</strong>g (i.e., that of <strong>the</strong> translated power<br />

of what <strong>the</strong> Confederate flag meant to her) was lost <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> larger social<br />

consensus of its historical mean<strong>in</strong>g. This larger social consensus is not really fixed,<br />

of course, but its monopoly on <strong>the</strong> well-educated Harvard community's understand<strong>in</strong>g<br />

is tribute both to <strong>the</strong> degree of its overarch<strong>in</strong>gly murderous yet coalesc<strong>in</strong>g<br />

power <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> context of Aryan supremacist movements as well as to our hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

learned a great deal of specific history about it. The power of that history<br />

understandably overshadowed not only that Black student's attempt at a narrower<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g, but also <strong>the</strong> swastika's mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> aborig<strong>in</strong>al American religion or <strong>in</strong><br />

Celtic runes.<br />

The question rema<strong>in</strong>s, however, how some speech is so automatically put<br />

beyond comment, consigned to <strong>the</strong> free market of ideas, while o<strong>the</strong>r expressions<br />

rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>visibly regulated, even monopolized, by <strong>the</strong> channels of not merely what<br />

we have learned but what we have not learned. I do not want to be misunderstood:<br />

1 do not question our consensus of <strong>the</strong> image of genocide embodied <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> swastika;<br />

I wonder at <strong>the</strong> immovability of <strong>the</strong> comfy, down-home aura attend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

confederate flag—<strong>the</strong> sense that as long as it makes some people happy, <strong>the</strong> rest<br />

of us should just butt out. The limits of such reason<strong>in</strong>g might be clearer if applied<br />

to <strong>the</strong> swastika: without hav<strong>in</strong>g to conclude anyth<strong>in</strong>g about whe<strong>the</strong>r to censor it,<br />

<strong>the</strong> fact rema<strong>in</strong>s that we usually don't cut off discussions of Nazism with <strong>the</strong> conclusion<br />

that it was a way of creat<strong>in</strong>g warm and happy communities for <strong>the</strong><br />

German bourgeoisie.<br />

Let me be clearer still <strong>in</strong> this thorny territory: I wish nei<strong>the</strong>r to compare nor

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