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Arte e Educação - Fundação Bienal do Mercosul

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the performance of success and prosperity. Political<br />

discourse appears as a strategic game of constant<br />

balancing and operates a strong apparatus for<br />

appeasing the tensions in the collective realm. The<br />

laws, constitutions, charters, contracts, accords and<br />

declarations are after all the material for expressing<br />

that idea of equality. All those <strong>do</strong>cuments seek to<br />

create an aura of density around the idea of universal<br />

equality. They are evidence of the triumph<br />

of reason as a form of organizing collective social<br />

life. Difference and otherness disappear, the other<br />

is reduced to being the equal of me. The state of<br />

law depersonalises power, replacing government<br />

by men with government by laws, establishing<br />

political representation in the act of the citizen<br />

choosing representatives and establishing the<br />

contract as the form par excellence of civil life.<br />

On the other side is the impregnation of the social<br />

order by the idea of progress, in other words an<br />

unrestrained movement towards the new, the<br />

original, the better. And the emphasis on the model<br />

of individual success: there develops an accelerated<br />

march of each individual towards exceeding<br />

himself or herself and others. The model of conflict<br />

is transplanted metamorphosed into social life<br />

when everyday modern life begins to consist of<br />

countless individual victories in the countless<br />

battles established within social relations, work<br />

relations, and any kind of interpersonal relations.<br />

One has to win at all cost.<br />

Thus we can see the para<strong>do</strong>x of this society that<br />

constructs social invisibility through the principle<br />

of formal equality; that spurs a de-politicisation<br />

of conflict through an excess of politics in<br />

interpersonal relations; that makes inequality<br />

feasible through the principle of individual liberty.<br />

The modern State emerges with the defeat of the<br />

king as sovereign and the dissolution of<br />

relationships based on blood, land or labour<br />

associations. It is established impersonally and, in<br />

postulating a common good, establishes a kind of<br />

power of everyone over everyone. The formations<br />

of those communities based on blood, land or<br />

occupation are dissolved and communities of free<br />

and equal citizens begin to be established. Taking<br />

the shape of a kind of abstract universal<br />

community, the State assumes an overwhelming<br />

place of mediation in social relations by law and<br />

control of the market at the same time as observing<br />

and reaffirming the common good and general<br />

interest, now called the public interest. The<br />

communities originating from particular<br />

relationships of absolute origins were broken<br />

<strong>do</strong>wn in pursuit, with the help of the model of<br />

universal reason, of a community of abstract men.<br />

In short, the modern liberal State occupies this<br />

para<strong>do</strong>xical position of being both the protector<br />

and the persecutor of the individual. It both<br />

postulates free<strong>do</strong>m and the guarantee of law and<br />

also gives rise to the subordination of one individual<br />

to another. By universalising equality, the<br />

modern State threatens and intimidates the individual<br />

in his liberty. By being free, the individual<br />

can stop being free. So, within a State based on<br />

the principles of equality, liberty and fraternity,<br />

an individual emerges who is insecure and<br />

unprotected. The individual creates a State that<br />

is his own contradiction. And all this is woven<br />

into the model of democracy.<br />

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