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Italy and the Hague Conference <strong>of</strong> December 1969 115«The report is extremely disappointing, especially on the question <strong>of</strong> European politicalconsultation, if compared to the Hague outcome. It will disappoint our publicopinion. There is nothing which points to political <strong>de</strong>cision making: only two meetings<strong>of</strong> political talks», 56and Altiero Spinelli wrote that the Committee <strong>of</strong> the Political Directors hadproduced the «mouses» <strong>of</strong> the political concertation. 57In the mid term, Italian attempts to play a role in European re-launching wouldbe most affected by its serious domestic economic, political and social situation.Since 1972, the government had to face growing opposition from the left wingparties, a difficult economic situation and a social crisis which forced Italy to adopta 'low pr<strong>of</strong>ile' approach in the Community. This was <strong>de</strong>monstrated by the fact thatthe reference to the <strong>de</strong>velopment <strong>of</strong> a European social policy ma<strong>de</strong> in the final<strong>de</strong>claration <strong>of</strong> the Paris summit <strong>of</strong> October 1972, was a German initiative, and bythe <strong>de</strong>cision to leave the “snake” in February 1973.ConclusionsThe Hague conference <strong>of</strong> 1969 certainly represented an important turning point inthe <strong>integration</strong> process at the end <strong>of</strong> the Sixties. 58 Although the French-German<strong>de</strong>al played a central role during the conference, it seems restrictive to affirm thatthe outcome <strong>of</strong> the Hague summit was only a compromise answering to French andGerman conditions. The so-called minor partners, like Holland and Italy, alsoplayed an active role; they exerted pressure for negotiations on Great Britain's entryto begin at the earliest possible date and tried to pursue specific national interests;among these were the reform <strong>of</strong> the European Social Fund, the <strong>de</strong>velopment <strong>of</strong> anembryonic European social policy or the re-launching <strong>of</strong> the project <strong>of</strong> politicalco-operation, in the Italian case.Italy was forced to accept Pompidou's triplet, in particular the CAP completionà la française, the introduction <strong>of</strong> VAT and the EMU, through a system <strong>of</strong> fixedparities, fearing the negative consequences for its economy. Italy’s diplomaticgames before the summit, in particular its unrealistic attempt to build an ententewith Germany to <strong>of</strong>fset French goals, clearly showed the limits <strong>of</strong> its diplomaticleverage, and confirmed the image <strong>of</strong> a weak negotiator. Furthermore, in the longterm Italian domestic political instability seriously affected its capability to pursuethe goals <strong>de</strong>veloped at The Hague, forced the country to adopt a 'low pr<strong>of</strong>ile'56. HAEC, CSM, Minutes <strong>of</strong> the Bagnaia Meeting, May 29 th 1970, secret.57. HAEC, CSM, Letter by Spinelli to Scarascia Mugnozza, September 22 nd 1970.58. Derek Urwin’s statement that “with the exception perhaps <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong> Gaulle's dramatic press conferencevetoes <strong>of</strong> British entry, the Hague summit was the most significant event within the Communitysince its inception” is acceptable, only if taking account <strong>of</strong> the long term consequences <strong>of</strong> theHague Conference. See D. URWIN, The Community <strong>of</strong> Europe. A History <strong>of</strong> European Integrationsince 1945, Longman, London, 1995, p.128.

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