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120Alan S. MilwardThis conclusion was not reached in comfortable circumstances, but against thebackground <strong>of</strong> a weakening balance <strong>of</strong> payments position and repeated speculativeattacks on the sterling exchange rate, leading to <strong>de</strong>valuation in November 1967 andto heavy borrowing from the International Monetary Fund. ‘Rescuing’ the balance<strong>of</strong> payments was thought to <strong>de</strong>pend primarily on ‘rescuing’ the manufacturingsector and thus on entry into the Common Market. Neither the complex nature <strong>of</strong>the interactions between the service sector and manufacturing were foreseen, northat so high a share <strong>of</strong> employment in the service sector would in effect be in andfor the manufacturing sector itself, in the sense that the volume and value <strong>of</strong> sales<strong>of</strong> manufactures and perhaps their competitive advantage would <strong>de</strong>pend on theservices provi<strong>de</strong>d by that share. In<strong>de</strong>ed, service sector employment wasdiscriminated against fiscally. The mo<strong>de</strong>l was Germany with its dominant andsuccessful manufacturing sector. Entry into the Community was inten<strong>de</strong>d toreplicate the German experience.It was ironic that what stood in the way <strong>of</strong> these hopes from accession was theCommunity’s agricultural sector with its need for heavy subsidisation. In Britainitself agriculture employed no more than 3.5 per cent <strong>of</strong> the active labour force andcontributed a smaller percentage <strong>of</strong> GNP. The dynamic effects to be expected <strong>of</strong>accession on manufacturing would be <strong>de</strong>layed until British industry had adjusted toits new opportunities. Meanwhile the United Kingdom would have immediately topay its entry charges to the Community and immediately have to face the problem<strong>of</strong> paying ‘own resources’ to subsidise agriculture in France, Germany and Italywhich would become its main industrial competitors. Worse, a substantial share <strong>of</strong>the subsidies that went to French agriculture would be to exports, an increasingtotal volume <strong>of</strong> which would be to the United Kingdom at inflationary prices. Thismight also lead to the loss <strong>of</strong> preferences for British manufactured exports inCommonwealth countries. For several years after entry into the Community theeffect on the United Kingdom’s balance <strong>of</strong> payments must therefore be to worsenits problem. Would the balance <strong>of</strong> payments survive the cure?When at the start <strong>of</strong> 1966 prime minister Harold Wilson began his energeticpush to organise a second application for membership while holding his partytogether, it had become the prevailing view insi<strong>de</strong> the Foreign Office that Britain’spersistence in trying to negotiate special terms in 1961-2 for the entry <strong>of</strong>Commonwealth foodstuffs into the United Kingdom for some time after entry intothe common market had played into the hands <strong>of</strong> the French government byallowing it to spin out the entry negotiations until <strong>de</strong> Gaulle had felt sufficientlysafely in power to impose his unilateral veto. Officials were keen to avoid anythingwhich would again imply that the United Kingdom was still calling into questionthe principles <strong>of</strong> the Common Agricultural Policy and Financial Regulation No.25.They wished to modify the effect <strong>of</strong> these principles on the British economy by apragmatic negotiation rather than a prior statement <strong>of</strong> disagreement with them.Their hope was, that by not raising issues <strong>of</strong> principle the United Kingdom couldobtain membership in time to be present at the attempt to negotiate the permanentrules for the provision <strong>of</strong> ‘own resources’ by December 1969. It was the existence

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