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413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy

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esponse to their observations regarding the personal needs, experience, and vulnerabilities of the<br />

individuals they intend to recruit.<br />

7. While pimps have varying levels of knowledge regarding law enforcement tactics<br />

and sentencing surrounding sex trafficking, offenders believed that pimping was<br />

less risky than other crimes, including drug trafficking. Though the majority of<br />

respondents stated that arrest is the foremost “risk” of pimping, they also routinely reported that<br />

they believed pimping was less risky than other crimes.<br />

8. The widespread availability and rapid expansion of the Internet has redefined the<br />

spatial and social limitations of the sex market by introducing new markets for both<br />

recruitment and advertisement. Findings from this study corroborate extant literature on<br />

the expansion of Internet use to facilitate sex work. Offenders reported new marketing<br />

opportunities for pimps to connect with both recruits and clientele, including online classifieds,<br />

social media, and networking websites.<br />

9. Although interviews with offenders did not uncover elements of organized crime,<br />

interviews with law enforcement suggest that the level of “organized crime” and<br />

degree of criminal network involvement varies by UCSE venue. Stakeholders and<br />

offenders described pimps that primarily facilitate street and Internet sex work as networked<br />

socially, rather than through traditional organized crime structures. Higher levels of organized<br />

crime were suspected by law enforcement within erotic massage parlors, strip clubs, and brothels,<br />

although these suspicions remain largely unconfirmed.<br />

10. Findings suggest that the cases of pimping and sex trafficking investigated and<br />

prosecuted in the United States represent only a small fraction of the UCSE. Across<br />

sites, criminal justice stakeholders felt the UCSE was much larger than they were able to<br />

investigate, due to resource constraints, political will, or lack of public awareness about the<br />

prevalence of UCSE crimes. Multiple offenders expressed the sentiment that “no one actually gets<br />

locked up for pimping.”<br />

Child Pornography Findings<br />

1. Child pornography is an escalating problem and has become increasingly graphic<br />

with younger victims. Both stakeholders and offenders incarcerated on child pornography<br />

charges described a growing number of individuals viewing online child pornography. Both<br />

stakeholders and offenders pointed to increasingly graphic content, often featuring violent acts<br />

against infants and toddlers.<br />

2. Child pornography is an international crime that transcends real and virtual<br />

borders. Child pornography is a crime that has become global in scope, particularly with the<br />

advent of the Internet. Through technology and the Internet, individuals can now download,<br />

trade, and produce child pornography with anyone in the world, anytime during the day, seven<br />

days a week, which may help offenders elude detection. <strong>Sex</strong> tourism was also cited by<br />

stakeholders interviewed for this study as an international problem that is growing in both scope<br />

and scale.<br />

3. Child pornography is easy to access online and requires little technological savvy to<br />

download. Law enforcement officials and child pornography offenders unanimously agreed that<br />

the Internet has made child pornography extremely accessible and that individuals need very<br />

little technological knowledge to not only download but also trade child pornography content.<br />

4. Many child pornography offenders want treatment. Inmates incarcerated on child<br />

pornography charges frequently described their relationship with child pornography as an<br />

addiction or sickness. They highlighted the paucity of treatment options within prison, which are<br />

only available at certain facilities for inmates close to release.<br />

5. Child pornography is commonly considered a victimless crime by child<br />

pornographers who do not commit contact offenses. The majority of individuals<br />

interviewed for this study who were incarcerated for non-contact child pornography offenses<br />

(possession and distribution) claimed to never have engaged in contact offenses with children.<br />

Therefore, they believed their crime was “victimless” since they were downloading and/or trading<br />

the images—not producing new content.<br />

3

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