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413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy

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differently.” (A1). Centralized oversight of customer inquiries also allowed for efficient operations:<br />

The way we did it was a guy would call in, I’d ask what kind of lady he is looking for, give<br />

him the website, and then [ask for] the main intersection of where he is. And then I would<br />

give the girl the phone number and have her book the call. And the way I did that was that<br />

so the girl would know who she is getting, so that I didn’t promise full service or anything<br />

they didn’t want. That way she could get a feel for the guy … she would know what she<br />

was getting. (A8)<br />

To avoid incrimination during communications with customers, pimps identified certain methods to<br />

detect law enforcement involvement at the outset of contact with a prospective client. One respondent<br />

required employees to complete a “verification call,” which was simply a procedure by which an employee<br />

called the customer back at a provided number to verify their identity:<br />

If they’re calling from a hotel, usually that’s what cops used, so that’s why we verified.<br />

And the other things would be that I would call their cell phone back and have them not<br />

answer, so I could see what their voicemail said. And so the other thing is I would call the<br />

hotel and ask for verification by making sure the room was in their name. If it was at their<br />

house, ask to see a bill. Hug the guys, make sure everything is alright. (A8)<br />

While uncommon among respondents, some interviewees reported the use of call centers to manage client<br />

communications. Call centers allowed pimps even greater control over the message communicated to<br />

clients. While often connected to escort businesses, call centers were also run by respondents who had not<br />

acquired an escort license.<br />

Hours and Frequency of Transactions<br />

We worked anytime. Anytime she got up and feel like it, that’s when we would start.<br />

(E12)<br />

Work hours varied, and many respondents reported that their business operation was available to clients<br />

at any time that they called. As a result, employees could always be on the clock: “They worked 24 hours a<br />

day. There were four girls and they would work 7 days a week, they were real go-getters; they wanted to<br />

work. There were others who would work only on the weekends” (A4).<br />

However, other pimps maintained more limited hours for employees. Particular hours and days tended to<br />

prove the most lucrative: “I had no set schedule. We had a meeting around 9:30 or 10:00 p.m. Business<br />

picked up then, and I wouldn’t send them out after 1 am. A lot of day business, business men on lunch,<br />

married men while their wife is at work” (A1). Another pimp stated, “Girls come in around 10:00 p.m. and<br />

get ready. We’d open around 11:30 p.m., 12:00 a.m. Then it was all up in the air when we closed,<br />

sometimes 5:30 or 6:00 a.m.” (H7). Night hours were common and weekends tended to be the busiest<br />

and most lucrative: “Friday and Saturday night you did a lot of calls between midnight and 6:00 in the<br />

morning” (A8). Another respondent reported, “We didn’t do much during the day because it was more<br />

profitable during certain hours of the night” (D8).<br />

The number of transactions completed in a day or week also varied across respondents, and within<br />

businesses. Variations were in part due to fluctuations in demand over the course of the week: “It varies<br />

from day to day. Four or five johns a day [per girl] on Monday through Friday. And then Friday through<br />

Saturday, I’d say 10 to 15 [johns a day per girl]” (A4). Similarly, one interviewee explained that the<br />

number of transactions could range “anywhere from four to ten. On an average day, week day, probably<br />

about four or five dudes each” (B3). For another respondent, the routine number of transactions was<br />

“Probably about five. It just depends. Some days they would go without dates. Phone ain’t ringing, so the<br />

girls would say just drop us off on the track” (B5).<br />

The number of transactions completed by each employee and each business was shaped in part by the<br />

rates charged for each sex act, and vice versa. As chapter 6 discussed, some pimps enforced monetary<br />

quotas that employees were expected to meet. Alongside the rates charged, quotas could also shape the<br />

frequency of transactions. While pimps reported some consistency to rates, prices fluctuated with market<br />

demand.<br />

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