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413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy

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confront risks that are similar—albeit perhaps amplified—to those faced by other streetwalking sex<br />

workers.<br />

Street-based sex workers of all gender identities become involved and stay in sex work for a myriad of<br />

reasons, including: economic necessity, substance abuse, homelessness, family and peer pressure,<br />

coercion (by pimps, johns, or others), childhood trauma (leading to a heightened risk of running away and<br />

other risky behaviors), and social acceptance. Many individuals first start trading sex as a continuation of<br />

other forms of commercial sex work, such as stripping and dancing, and many work in a variety of venues<br />

and establishments (including online) in the sex industry throughout their careers, sometimes leaving it<br />

altogether for periods of time (Covenant House 2013; Jeal and Salisbury 2007; Murphy and Venkatesh<br />

2006; Perkins and Lovejoy 2007; Shively et al. 2008; Thukral and Ditmore 2003; Thukral et al. 2005).<br />

Past research has found that many street workers, including many of those informing the discussion in<br />

this chapter, do not work with pimps at all or for substantial portions of their careers (Dalla 2000;<br />

Thukral and Ditmore 2003). 67<br />

Researchers have found that street work offers sex workers some desirable conditions. It allows non-pimp<br />

controlled sex workers, also referred to as independent sex workers, the relative freedom to shape their<br />

schedules and choose their dates. Independent sex workers may also experience less violence than pimpcontrolled<br />

sex workers, who are pressured to date frequently to earn certain amounts of money for their<br />

pimps (Norton-Hawk 2004). Street work can also be a relatively stable source of income and present few<br />

health risks if proper contraception is used (Harcourt and Donovan 2005; Thukral and Ditmore 2003;<br />

Whelehan 2001).<br />

Past research has shown that street-based sex workers are confronted with a unique set of challenges and<br />

hardships that their indoor counterparts do not face (Church et al. 2001; Harcourt and Donovan 2005;<br />

Jeal and Salisbury 2007; Plumridge and Abel 2001; Porter and Bonilla 2000; Seidlin et al. 1988; Weiner<br />

1996; Whittaker and Hart 1996). Those who trade sex primarily on the street are considered to “occupy<br />

the lowest rung on the commercial sex ladder” because they “make the least money, are more likely to be<br />

drug-addicted, subjected to violence, and otherwise distressed” (Shively et al. 2008, 4; also see Sanders<br />

2005 and Scott and Dedel 2006). In a study of 115 outdoor and 125 indoor sex workers in the late 1990s,<br />

Church, Henderson, Barnard, and Hart (2001) found that outdoor sex workers were younger; began sex<br />

work at younger ages; were more likely to have started sex work to pay for drugs (as opposed to basic<br />

economic needs); experienced much higher levels of physical violence from clients; and regularly used<br />

heroin, opiates, crack cocaine, and other illegal substances. These circumstances have led researchers to<br />

conclude that “street-based sex workers generally endure more marginal situations, including unstable<br />

housing and other problems related to substance dependency” (Thukral and Ditmore 2003, 28).<br />

The relationship between street-based sex work and drug use has been well documented. In an<br />

ethnography of female drug users in low-income neighborhoods in New York City between 1989 and 1992,<br />

Maher and Daly (1996) found that women played a greater role in the underground drug economies in the<br />

late 1980s and early 1990s, as they graduated their drug use from heroin and powder cocaine to crack<br />

cocaine. Because this expanded drug market was still male-dominated, it did not provide these drugaddicted<br />

females with opportunities for substantial income generation. Instead, as the researchers found,<br />

sex work provided one of the few reliable sources of earning potential for these women.<br />

Although not all sex workers sell sex to support drug addictions (Sterk et al. 2000), a number of studies<br />

have found significant evidence of what Fullilove, Lown, and Fullilove (1992) deem the “sex-for-drugs<br />

bartering system” used by substance dependent sex workers (Barry 1996; Fullilove et al. 1992; Inciardi,<br />

Lockwood, and Potteger 1993; Maher and Curtis 1992; Sterk and Elifson 1990; Thukral and Ditmore<br />

2003; Thukral et al. 2005). As this chapter will discuss, it is not necessarily the case that crack cocaine (or<br />

other drug) addictions preceded sex work; for some sex workers, substance use began during dates with<br />

67 It is important to note that it is unknown how many individuals currently work for a pimp or worked for one in the past The goal<br />

of this study is not to estimate that number.<br />

217

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