413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy
413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy
413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy
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these economies increased or decreased over this five year period, since such conjecture is beyond the<br />
scope of this research project. 36<br />
Existing Approaches to Estimate Illegal, <strong>Underground</strong><br />
Economies<br />
Given the lack of knowledge about the prevalence of sex trafficking, we consulted research on other<br />
underground markets to seek techniques that may be adaptable to estimating the size of the illegal<br />
commercial sex economy.<br />
Criminologists, economists, and policymakers have been interested in understanding illegal markets and<br />
have developed a number of techniques in order to estimate the extent of underground economic activity.<br />
Several analyses have improved our understanding of the mechanics of underground markets: Levitt and<br />
Venkatesh’s (1998) thorough economic analysis of revenue, costs, and operations of a Chicago gang shed<br />
light on gang management and violence while Rosen and Venkatesh’s (2007) later study examined the<br />
tension between choice and coercion in Chicago’s sex trade. Similarly, careful examination of government<br />
bribery records in Peru has dramatically increased our understanding of the priorities, operations, and<br />
strategies of corrupt regimes (McMillan and Zoido 2004). Recently, Bahney and others (2013) have<br />
conducted similar analyses using recovered documents from al Qa’ida in Iraq to understand<br />
organizational, managerial, bureaucratic, and financial structures. Unfortunately, these analyses relied on<br />
unique, irreplicable quantitative data. In the absence of these sources, analysts must rely on collecting<br />
new qualitative data to understand the mechanics of underground markets. Furthermore, these studies<br />
did not successfully produce estimates or models of the size of the illegal activity that could be applied to<br />
other cases of illegal markets.<br />
The size of illegal drug markets is more analogous to analysis of the underground commercial sex<br />
economy. However, as a recent extensive review commissioned by the European Union (Reuter and<br />
Trautmann 2009) demonstrates, it is unlikely that methods developed for this purpose would yield<br />
accurate results:<br />
There are a variety of methods for calculating the size of an illicit drug market. The<br />
supply-side approach uses estimates about production and how much is seized or lost on<br />
the way to its final destination … There are at least two different methods on the demand<br />
side. One is based on self-reported information about what individuals spend on illicit<br />
drugs, and the other uses prevalence estimates and combines them with assumptions<br />
about quantity consumed and retail prices to generate expenditure estimates. (Kilmer<br />
and Pacula 2009, 103)<br />
Due to difficulties identifying sex workers and victims of sex trafficking, we do not expect to derive<br />
estimates of the size of the illegal sex economy from relying on the perspectives of these individuals. The<br />
second approach that Kilmer and Pacula note is equally unfeasible. This method relies on extensive selfreporting<br />
estimates of spending, which are not widely available for illegal sexual activity. As mentioned<br />
earlier, commercial sex clients, key actors in the illegal sex economy, are not commonly arrested or<br />
charged. Even for arrested clients, the oft-mentioned problems of under-representing difficult-to-reach<br />
populations (those without stable addresses or those who rarely respond to surveys) would likely be<br />
exacerbated in a study of illegal sexual activity. Second, dishonesty would be a serious concern. For<br />
instance, one study which administered a self-report survey about drug use along with a formal drug test<br />
found that only 20 percent of cocaine users actually reported using cocaine (Harrison et al. 2007). No<br />
analogous test is available to validate responses when investigating participation in illicit sexual activity.<br />
The second demand side approach (applying prices to prevalence estimates) relies on a defensible<br />
prevalence estimate which does not exist for illegal sexual activity.<br />
36 Please see chapter 10 for a brief discussion regarding the need for future research to determine why there are changes in these<br />
underground economies.<br />
23