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413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy

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As the preceding chapter discussed, relationships with employees, 63 sometimes governed by rules<br />

maintained through management and discipline, enable pimps to control sex workers within the<br />

underground economy. Similarly, networks between pimps, as well as relationships with law enforcement<br />

and legal businesses, facilitate business growth and endurance. The following chapter considers the<br />

operational side of pimping, emphasizing the tools and practices that enable businesses to function and<br />

reach clients on a day-to-day basis. The central role of advertisement is first considered. Next, methods of<br />

communication, between employees as well as with clients, are explored. We then report respondent<br />

practices regarding business size, hours of operation, frequency of transactions, rates and pricing<br />

structures, forms of payment, legal business fronts, operational costs, and money laundering practices.<br />

We conclude with an exploration of respondents’ perceptions on changes within the underground sex<br />

market over the course of their involvement.<br />

Main Findings from this Chapter Include:<br />

Advertisement: Pimps employed multiple tools to advertise the sex trade. Common methods and venues of<br />

advertisement included online advertisement, walking on the stroll, word of mouth, local print newspapers and<br />

phonebooks, business cards, and directly approaching customers in business establishments.<br />

Communication: Pimps maintained frequent communication with their employees by phone, text, and in-person<br />

conversation. Communications were intended to ensure employee safety, maintain control and oversight, and provide<br />

updates on business operations. Written communications, particularly texts, can make pimps susceptible to law<br />

enforcement detection, and many pimps utilized code or avoid written communication altogether to mitigate risks and<br />

evade the police.<br />

Rates and pricing structures: Rates varied dramatically across respondents. Price was most commonly determined by<br />

amount of time, single date, and/or sex act.<br />

Forms of payment: While some respondents reported accepting credit cards, drugs, and merchandise as payment, sex<br />

work remains a primarily cash economy. Sixty-six percent of respondents reported accepting cash only.<br />

Operational costs: The costs of operating and facilitating sex work varied greatly across pimps, though this study<br />

identifies some common costs. Pimps routinely covered costs associated with employee housing, transportation, employee<br />

appearance and personal appearance, advertisements, and hotels and motels. Other business-related legal expenses<br />

included bail, and costs associated with arrests and prosecution on charges related to pimping.<br />

Advertisement<br />

It could be every kind of situation. It could be online, it could be at a club or bar. I knew<br />

a friend of mine, she met a guy when we were in the line for financial aid. (E16)<br />

Advertisement is essential to pimps in order to gain clientele, and respondents employed different<br />

methods to attract customers. With the growth of Internet advertising and social media, methods to<br />

connect with customers have become increasingly diverse. One pimp explained, “Everywhere has a stroll.<br />

Online, offline, at the store” (C8).<br />

Given the wide-ranging clientele reportedly engaging in the UCSE, a number of different methods of<br />

advertisement were employed by pimps. Preference was largely shaped by notions of where the most<br />

money could be made, which methods lessened the likelihood of law enforcement detection and<br />

prosecution, and what outlets provided the most safety for employees. Popular methods of advertisement<br />

included online advertisements, local newspapers, business cards, social media, as well as pandering at<br />

physical locations such as bars, dance clubs, strip clubs, and the “stroll” to meet potential clients. While<br />

some offenders reported preferences for different advertising arenas, many worked through multiple<br />

venues: “Even if you’re on the Internet, you still go through the blade and sweat some bitches” (B3). Table<br />

63 Throughout this chapter, the men and women who were compelled to sell commercial sex acts for respondents are referred to as<br />

“employees” based on the format of the study’s interview protocol, which approached pimping and its related structure and networks<br />

as a business.<br />

191

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