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413047-Underground-Commercial-Sex-Economy

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affording a fancy lifestyle. Offender respondents corroborated these findings, as one pimp explained: “I<br />

would look for deprived [females] or females in bad situations or runaways” (G8). Another respondent<br />

described his ideal employee, who was economically disadvantaged and experienced previous abuse:<br />

My perfect employee for business had a taste for things that glitter, was persuaded easily,<br />

was sexually active, was damaged (i.e. daddy issues, victim, etc.), motivated by poverty,<br />

and willing to go the distance. (E11)<br />

Other respondents emphasized that hardships opened recruitment opportunities for pimps. One<br />

respondent explained that “most [recruits] came from broken homes. Mom and dad were divorced. Mom<br />

wasn’t paying them much attention. Even though they were pretty and had nice bodies, they still had low<br />

self-esteem. You can tell by body language—hunched over, sad looking” (D7).<br />

Whether or not they explicitly sought vulnerable women, pimps observed that their employees often had<br />

histories of sexual assault. One 22-year-old pimp explained, “[They] all had the same story—[when they]<br />

were younger, they were molested in their home … Not too in with their families. Not family relationships<br />

as good as they could be. Drug habits” (G11). Another respondent remarked on the pervasiveness of sexual<br />

abuse among the women he pimped: “Of the five [employees] I had, all five had been raped before. It was<br />

by uncles or stepdad” (G12). One offender noted, “A lot of times I’d say they were from broken homes.<br />

They were from all over, no trend of where, they’d come from wherever” (A8). Another interviewee<br />

reported similar observations: “Either they been molested by their father, their mom was on drugs and<br />

used them to support their habit. Runaways, they ran away from home at 14 or 15 and wanted to get out<br />

and have sex” (G3).<br />

Other interviewees also acknowledged that economic need, past abuse, and low self-esteem impact a<br />

woman’s choice to sell sex: “A lot of prostitutes was forced into this life style [by living conditions], and<br />

then there are a lot that chose because of things that happened in their past. Some were sexually<br />

molested, some have low self-esteem, some think they might as well get paid for it” (E2). Citing both<br />

sexual assault and learned family experience, one female respondent believed that some women were<br />

raised to expect to “get something” out of sex:<br />

They make out pimps as being bad, and they’re not. Oftentimes the girls are in bad<br />

situations. Oftentimes the father is molesting them. Most of the girls [are] abused from<br />

the time [they were] ten up. And it’s common for black women to teach daughters, get<br />

something out of it if you’re going to sleep with someone. And we see our mothers being<br />

promiscuous. (G8)<br />

Other pimps reported less consistency in socioeconomic status and past abuse. When asked if he tended<br />

to recruit a particular type of women, a 25-year-old African American respondent noted that he employed<br />

women of all different economic means, but did observe some socioeconomic trends:<br />

Different backgrounds, different circumstances and scenarios. Some from well-to-do<br />

families who really liked to party, get high, love to [have sex]. Come to the parties and<br />

dance and work and entertain. Some of the Caucasian females were from lower<br />

economically developed families, trailer parks. They were trying to make money to<br />

support their family and feed their family. Their backgrounds were different—all kinds of<br />

Caucasians. Hispanics, different backgrounds, different types of family. African American<br />

females, basically all of those females were from the hood, the ghetto. Hard times. Lots of<br />

girls were raised in foster care. Didn’t have much. They come to make money. (H1)<br />

There were other observations that ran counter to common conceptions and extant literature regarding<br />

the individuals who work for pimps. One pimp explained how experience changed his own assumptions:<br />

“I assumed in the beginning that they are damaged women but I have had wives of preachers who came<br />

and hoed for me for a month. Some do it for the money, some do it for the thrill, and some do it just to do<br />

it” (C9). Other respondents reported that there was no shared background among recruited employees:<br />

“Every girl that come, you don’t really know where from. Some might come from another pimp. Some, like<br />

my bottom, might come from a decent home. She was tired of following grandma’s rules” (B3). Another<br />

respondent explained, “They aren’t just like anyone down on their luck—they are college students. I’ve<br />

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