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A Critical Conversation on Climate Change ... - Green Choices

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102 development dialogue september 2006 – carb<strong>on</strong> tradingeliminati<strong>on</strong> of a legal requirement for redundant scrubbers, that werethe main source of subsequent cost reducti<strong>on</strong>s. 140In the late 1980s, too, officials and experts had often overestimated thecost of cutting future emissi<strong>on</strong>s, which made a lot of what happenedafterwards seem like a ‘saving’ even if it wasn’t. The American ElectricPower Company assumed in 1981 that scrubbers would cost usd 500per t<strong>on</strong>ne of sulphur dioxide removed. The Tennessee Valley Authoritythought usd 155 was closer to the mark; the department of energyusd 153–273, the Office of Technology Assessment usd 116–313. Mostestimates didn’t anticipate the historical accident of cheaper coal fromthe Powder River area. 141 As ec<strong>on</strong>omist Dallas Burtraw points out, thisprice reducti<strong>on</strong>, together with fuel switching cost reducti<strong>on</strong>s and othersuch factors that ‘have caused marginal abatement costs to fall wouldalso have lowered the costs of achieving the SO 2 emissi<strong>on</strong>s cap via someform of command and c<strong>on</strong>trol policies’. 142Once the trading scheme got under way, in additi<strong>on</strong>, a lot of installati<strong>on</strong>smanaged to cut emissi<strong>on</strong>s without trading at all. Most of thosewho did trade traded <strong>on</strong>ly within their own firm. Inter-firm tradingamounted to <strong>on</strong>ly two per cent of total emissi<strong>on</strong>s. 143But no <strong>on</strong>e denies that emissi<strong>on</strong>s trading did save the private sector at leastsome m<strong>on</strong>ey, right?No, that’s fairly unc<strong>on</strong>troversial. The questi<strong>on</strong> is what the impacts were<strong>on</strong> others – and <strong>on</strong> society and its envir<strong>on</strong>ment in the l<strong>on</strong>g term.What do you mean? Surely if the programme saved energy producers m<strong>on</strong>ey,then everybody who used electricity benefi ted. Society as a whole was enabledto produce goods more effi ciently, no?It’s not so simple. Sure, such schemes save specific companies m<strong>on</strong>ey.And in doing so they are supposed to maximise what the grandfatherof emissi<strong>on</strong>s trading, R<strong>on</strong>ald Coase, called ‘total product’ (readGDP), and thereby benefit society as a whole (see Chapter 2).But they do so <strong>on</strong>ly by lumping together emissi<strong>on</strong>s with other ec<strong>on</strong>omicgoods. For a Coasean ec<strong>on</strong>omist, the ability of the earth tokeep temperatures within liveable limits has to find a market valuejust like wheat or silver. It must be translated into an ‘abstract’, calculable,alienable form that can live what globalisati<strong>on</strong> guru Hernandode Soto pictures as an ‘invisible, parallel life’ 144 al<strong>on</strong>gside its physicalexistence.Thus creating ‘efficiencies’ in emissi<strong>on</strong>s reducti<strong>on</strong>s, like creatingmost other ‘efficiencies’, is a political process of morphing apples and

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