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A Critical Conversation on Climate Change ... - Green Choices

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less<strong>on</strong>s unlearned 151scrapped, the cars would be driven 4,000–5,000 miles annually for anadditi<strong>on</strong>al three years and that their owners would then replace themwith automobiles with ‘average’ emissi<strong>on</strong>s.Yet a SCAQMD audit found that many of the cars were at the endof their useful lives, and would have been destroyed through naturalattriti<strong>on</strong>. Some 100,000–200,000 old vehicles are scrapped or aband<strong>on</strong>edin the Los Angeles area annually in this way without the interventi<strong>on</strong>of polluti<strong>on</strong> trading programmes. Most of the 23,000 carsthat were destroyed under the polluti<strong>on</strong> trading scheme during itsfirst five years were arguably am<strong>on</strong>g those that would have been destroyedeven without the programme. After all, why sell your old carfor its usd 50 value as scrap metal when you can obtain usd 600 for itthrough a polluti<strong>on</strong> trading scheme? 302Moreover, of the cars that were not at the end of their lives, in additi<strong>on</strong>,many were not regularly driven and would not have been driven foranother three years. Inoperable cars were often brought to car scrappingfacilities and minor repairs made solely for the purpose of obtainingthe usd 600 payment from the scrapping program. Such cars werenot generating any polluti<strong>on</strong>, but merely collecting dust. N<strong>on</strong>-existentautomobile polluti<strong>on</strong> was transformed, through the market, into realpolluti<strong>on</strong> released from oil tankers or other sources. The end result wasto increase aggregate emissi<strong>on</strong>s across the regi<strong>on</strong>. 303In the ‘bubble’ trading system instituted by the US Envir<strong>on</strong>mentalProtecti<strong>on</strong> Agency, similarly, polluters almost never undertook freshpolluti<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol projects to satisfy regulati<strong>on</strong>s. Instead, they claimedcredits for reducti<strong>on</strong>s that presumably would have occurred withoutthe regulati<strong>on</strong>. For example, polluters often claimed credits for routinebusiness decisi<strong>on</strong>s to slow down producti<strong>on</strong> or shut down facilities. 305In the 1970s, states lured new industry by providing firms with ‘offsets’that the states themselves created – in <strong>on</strong>e case credits for ‘anasphalt substituti<strong>on</strong> process that already was occurring for n<strong>on</strong> -envir<strong>on</strong>mental reas<strong>on</strong>s’. 306 In the 1980s, similarly, Ashland Oil didn’twant to comply with a requirement that it lower emissi<strong>on</strong>s from certainstorage tanks. Instead, it petiti<strong>on</strong>ed to be allowed to reduce theallowable emissi<strong>on</strong> rate from a gasoline truck loading facility from50.7 to 19.0 t<strong>on</strong>nes per year – even though the facility was alreadyemitting <strong>on</strong>ly 4.4 t<strong>on</strong>nes per year. 307 Not surprisingly, such gambitswere heavily criticised by envir<strong>on</strong>mentalists.Nor were such absurdities c<strong>on</strong>fined to the US. The Global Envir<strong>on</strong>mentalFacility, which serves as a financial mechanism for both theUNFCCC and the 1992 UN C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> Biological Diversity, early<strong>on</strong> ran into similar accounting problems. The GEF was supposed tofund <strong>on</strong>ly that element of a project that resulted directly in the reducti<strong>on</strong>

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