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A Critical Conversation on Climate Change ... - Green Choices

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ways forward 337Unlike carb<strong>on</strong> trading, they recognise irreversibility and the differencesbetween risk, uncertainty, ignorance and indeterminacy andd<strong>on</strong>’t try to calculate the incalculable. Unlike carb<strong>on</strong> trading, theyacknowledge explicitly the real-world functi<strong>on</strong>s and limitati<strong>on</strong>s ofc<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al development instituti<strong>on</strong>s. Unlike carb<strong>on</strong> trading, theytake into the account the realities of internati<strong>on</strong>al politics. Crucially,unlike carb<strong>on</strong> trading, they make no b<strong>on</strong>es about the fact that dealingwith the climate crisis is going to involve democratic political organisingand an uphill political struggle.But does dealing with the crisis have to involve democratic political organising?Realistically, there may be no time for that. Maybe envir<strong>on</strong>mentalists should justtry to make a quick deal with governments and business to solve the problem.That’s the working assumpti<strong>on</strong> of many carb<strong>on</strong> trading supporters inthe North. The idea is that envir<strong>on</strong>mentalists should throw their supportbehind policies that offer corporati<strong>on</strong>s or rich-country governmentsthe short-term cost savings associated with emissi<strong>on</strong>s trading,plus property rights in the atmosphere, plus a flow of cheap creditsfrom carb<strong>on</strong> projects and new opportunities for investment. In return,corporati<strong>on</strong>s or rich-country governments will back emissi<strong>on</strong>scuts while channelling funding and green technology to the South.One difficulty with this plan is that many corporati<strong>on</strong>s have understoodfrom the start that carb<strong>on</strong> markets are structured in a way thatwill allow them to take the gravy while leaving envir<strong>on</strong>mentalists withnot hing. They know that rent-seeking under the EU ETS or horsetradingunder the UNFCCC will enable them to delay emissi<strong>on</strong>s cutsindefinitely (see Chapter 3). They know that carb<strong>on</strong> trading often takesthe teeth out of other, existing forms of regulati<strong>on</strong>. 42 They know thatevery polluti<strong>on</strong> trading scheme to date has involved rewarding polluterswith free assets. They know the system can be gamed. They know that‘giving carb<strong>on</strong> a price’ need not be an inducement to structural change,especially if they can c<strong>on</strong>trol that price. And they know that carb<strong>on</strong>‘offset’ projects offer still further opportunities to entrench ‘business asusual’. Firms are often delighted when envir<strong>on</strong>mentalists support thecol<strong>on</strong>ialist claim that the global green future lies in an expanded exportof machinery and expertise from North to South and lose no time insetting up mechanisms that allow industry and the World Bank to reapnew rewards from a parade of methane-burning schemes, large hydroelectricdams, coal-fired generating plants and expanded m<strong>on</strong>oculturesthat benefit the world’s rich while leaving the course of climate changeuntouched. Many polluters like carb<strong>on</strong> trading not because they thinkit will pay for a just transiti<strong>on</strong> to a low-carb<strong>on</strong> future, but because theyare c<strong>on</strong>vinced it w<strong>on</strong>’t.

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