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W-02Regional Policy and Homosocial StructuresGerd Lindgren, Karlstad University, Karlstad, SwedenGunnel Forsberg, Stockholm University, Stockholm, SwedenTheoretical backgroundThis paper presents a social constructivist perspective on regional development and innovation systems. Our theoretical pointsof departure rest on both human geographical and sociological perspectives. This means that we focus on gender relations onregional and organizational levels and scrutinize the interrelations between these levels.The regional policy in Sweden today is characterised by a strongly emphasized governance model, i.e. an orientation towardsnetworks and cluster initiatives. The running regional development programme of the county of Värmland is a template for themodern governance policy. It rests upon some basic principles such as partnership engagements, networking, EU-specificlinguistic usage, and superstar rhetoric. But this seemingly innovative regional policy has roots in traditional industrial society(Sw. bruksmiljö). The network planning model gives the opportunity for informal social structures to re-enter the area for regionalplanning.One hypothesis in this paper is that gender equality in regional government policy is challenged by the presence of homosocialshadow structures such as secret networks and clubs on the outside of the official organisations. Strong and efficient networksare of cause essential elements in modern regional development based on governance policy. But networks are also veryimportant in the historical reproduction of traditional power structures, male dominance and hegemony. In Sweden, the genderequality discourse stand strong but in practice there are still many obstacles to confront. One central obstacle lies in the factthat networking can be used mutually as a progressive and as a conservative tool among actors in the innovation policy.Aim: To dissect how gender order and innovation policy interconnect the micro and macro level. How the inclusive and exclusivemechanisms work in regional policies and to analyse the formal and informal practices of local and regional actors. This is thecentral "how" question in this paper.Method: Interactive design in collaboration with women on leading position in the innovation system in the county of Värmlandin the middle of Sweden. Data is collected through documents (regional planning), interviews (SME-leaders), workshops (womenon leading positions) and archives (historical analyses of homosocial networks).Empirical findings: Several homosocial networks of a shadowed character are integrated in the regional policy through thepartnership where we find important actors from central organisations in the public sector and the private sector of the county.One central shadow network includes the freemason, a homosocial upper class conservative organization with ritual initiationtraditions based on Christian values. We traced central power groups backwards in time (1800 - 2009) and found that certainnetworks of families ( freemasons for example) have successfully reproduced their central positions in the growth policy of thecounty by transforming their positions and interests in traditional industry into the very essence of the innovation system oftoday.Theoretical implications: The network model makes the regional policy a homotopic strategy with a one-dimensional regionalnarrative about innovation and economic clusters. These are characterised by traditional export based masculine enterprises(pulp-and paper industry) and a blindness for more female oriented and service economies, such as wellness and care. Thispath dependence has negative implication on the creation of dynamic and innovative development.At the heart of male networks are actors who themselves possess or have strong and close relations to the power-bearingpositions. These groups have the power to reproduce and consolidate the power in regional development. Although the idea ofpartnership is based on non-hierarchical and inclusive network of equal partners they do not work in practice as a policy tool tobreak the previous power structure, but rather, reinforces existing structures and actors. In turn, this means that new activitiesand potential economic clusters are difficult to assert themselves. Women's networks on the other hand do not overlap with theinfluential networks and do not have the relationships to power, which can facilitate cluster development in their branches. Inaddition, these networks do not aim to promote their own enterprise, something that usually is characteristic of male-dominatednetworks.Madrid, October 20, 21 & 22 - 2010206