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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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In terms of research focused on smuggling specifically in the post-2014<br />

period, the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) <strong>and</strong> GITNOC have made sound<br />

contributions. Unlike most of the research in this area, these two organizations<br />

focus on the criminal drivers of smuggling in North Africa. That is, rather than<br />

looking at smuggling as a facet of migration <strong>and</strong> smugglers as individuals who<br />

fulfil a dem<strong>and</strong> for irregular migration, they look at smuggling as a transnational<br />

crime <strong>and</strong> part of the illicit economy. The USIP study, while not providing a great<br />

deal of information on its methodology, was apparently based on more than<br />

200 qualitative interviews across Libya. GITNOC does not necessarily base its<br />

work on primary research; it tends to bring together a lot of secondary sources,<br />

including the work of journalists <strong>and</strong> anecdotal evidence provided by the media,<br />

with little critical assessment of its sources. In any case, both organizations have<br />

attempted to size the criminal economy linked to smuggling in Libya <strong>and</strong> outline<br />

the links between migrant smuggling <strong>and</strong> other forms of smuggling in the region.<br />

Across the body of research, what is lacking is primary research. The<br />

research can be categorized according to rapid updates <strong>and</strong> papers more akin to<br />

policy briefs <strong>and</strong> research based on more sound methodologies. The policy brief<br />

type research tends to be based on secondary research only with little critical<br />

assessment of sources. The impression is that organizations active in this area<br />

favour regular updates over rigorous research (GITNOC, New-Med). More sound<br />

methodologies include primary research modules (see Altai, MHub <strong>and</strong> RMMS),<br />

although most primary research that exists is in the form of primary qualitative<br />

research. Most of it is conducted with migrants who are asked about their<br />

experiences with smugglers (see Altai, RMMS <strong>and</strong> MHub). Some of it involves<br />

interviews with smugglers, but this is not usually conducted systematically; if<br />

conducted at all, it is usually a h<strong>and</strong>ful of smugglers that are interviewed among<br />

a bigger sample of interviews with migrants (see Altai <strong>and</strong> RMMS).<br />

There is dearth of research based on primary quantitative research or<br />

samples larger than a few hundred interviews. While the qualitative research<br />

that exists has been successful in identifying the trends <strong>and</strong> major dynamics, the<br />

lack of quantitative research means that there has been no effort to quantify any<br />

of these dynamics after 2006. It should be noted that Altai’s Libya study of 2013<br />

(Malakooti, 2013a), <strong>and</strong> RMMS’ 2014 study did build upon quantitative research<br />

that had been conducted for other studies but did not include quantitative<br />

modules of their own. 21<br />

21<br />

In the case of Altai, it was 600 interviews conducted with tribal groups in the south of Libya in 2013, <strong>and</strong> in<br />

the case of RMMS, it was a survey conducted by DRC with over 1,000 migrants in 2013.<br />

98<br />

4. North Africa

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