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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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Migration, either regular or irregular, follows a few predictable patterns.<br />

At the micro or personal level, disparities in earnings draw individuals from lowwage<br />

countries towards high-wage countries with prospect for greater personal<br />

or family wealth. Wage differences between sending <strong>and</strong> receiving countries are<br />

the most important factors for people to move (Harris <strong>and</strong> Todaro, 1970; Mahler,<br />

1995). At the macrolevel, countries with shortage in labour attempt to recruit<br />

workers from abroad to fill the dem<strong>and</strong> of the economy. As the economy exp<strong>and</strong>s<br />

or contracts, the labour market fluctuates <strong>and</strong> countries in need of labour thus<br />

respond by encouraging or discouraging immigration. Individual labourers, on<br />

the other h<strong>and</strong>, adjust <strong>and</strong> adapt to the cycles of economy. A state of equilibrium<br />

is thus achieved through periodic redistributions of labour through migration<br />

(Massey et al., 1998). International population migration thus becomes an<br />

equalizing mechanism to balance the distribution of economic resources across<br />

countries (Massey et al., 2002). Labour markets in post-industrial nations have<br />

become bifurcated, with high pay <strong>and</strong> steady jobs on one end, low pay <strong>and</strong><br />

unstable jobs on the other. The dual labour markets are particularly salient in<br />

major cities, such as Los Angeles <strong>and</strong> New York where managerial, administrative,<br />

financial <strong>and</strong> technical jobs have achieved high levels of concentration <strong>and</strong> also<br />

created high dem<strong>and</strong>s for low-wage services. Such a bifurcated labour market<br />

structurally depends on a steady influx of cheap foreign labour to sustain itself<br />

(Piore, 1979).<br />

Beyond the earning disparity factor<br />

Although wage differentials or relative deprivation <strong>and</strong> the prospect of<br />

elevating one’s family status <strong>and</strong> financial st<strong>and</strong>ing in the sending country provide<br />

a strong incentive for people to migrate, it is not a sufficient condition. Far more<br />

people in developing countries are aware of the earning differentials <strong>and</strong> dream<br />

of a life as an immigrant in a Western country than those who actually take the<br />

journey. The fact that not more people from developing countries participate<br />

in transnational migration suggests that the decision to migrate involves more<br />

than monetary factors. Access to migrant smugglers <strong>and</strong> the ability to purchase<br />

quality smuggling services become important factors in this decision-making<br />

process.<br />

Kinship <strong>and</strong> community ties, legal barriers <strong>and</strong> human smugglers, airlines,<br />

railways <strong>and</strong> shipping companies, <strong>and</strong> even law firms, human rights groups<br />

<strong>and</strong> anti-immigration activists are all part of this complex picture, each group<br />

playing out some roles that directly or indirectly affect the flow <strong>and</strong> direction of<br />

legal as well as illegal migration (Pieke, 1999). In practice, most migrants follow<br />

existing networks to particular destinations rather than simply moving to the<br />

country where most money can be made (Zhang, 2007). Facilitators (or migrant<br />

smugglers) are important players in these existing migration networks.<br />

<strong>Migrant</strong> <strong>Smuggling</strong> <strong>Data</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Research</strong>:<br />

A global review of the emerging evidence base<br />

313

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