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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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smuggling within the wider frame of irregular migration as a market <strong>and</strong><br />

conceptualizes migrant smuggling as an illicit, profit-making activity. Depending<br />

on the specific theoretical model applied, two ancillary overlapping approaches<br />

may be further discerned: (a) analysis of migrant smuggling from a primarily<br />

economic perspective as a business; <strong>and</strong> (b) underst<strong>and</strong>ing of migrant smuggling<br />

as a basic criminal structure <strong>and</strong> security threat (Salt, 2000; Baird, 2013a). To<br />

analyse the phenomenon, scholarly contributions that fall within this category<br />

mostly focus on the organizational aspect of migrant smuggling: the structure<br />

of the networks, the routes, the prices, the flows <strong>and</strong> trends, estimation of the<br />

“stocks” <strong>and</strong> even the likelihood of capture (Baird, 2013a). The overall scope<br />

adopted may be however quite broad <strong>and</strong> place the discussion within the global<br />

context of the migration industry <strong>and</strong> its politico-historical background (ibid.).<br />

The literature that has developed along this str<strong>and</strong> is vast. A major<br />

limitation in the analysis provided has been the little consideration paid to the<br />

input of the migrant, who is frequently perceived as a victim trapped <strong>and</strong> moved<br />

around within a network of associates rather than a decision maker (UNODC,<br />

2011). Next to this, there is a certain degree of imbalance in the geographical<br />

focus. While ample has been written on the flows, trends, estimates <strong>and</strong> modus<br />

oper<strong>and</strong>i of the smuggling networks in the European Union’s southern external<br />

borders <strong>and</strong> in particular the dramatic Mediterranean border crossings, less<br />

attention has been paid to intra-European movements. Contributions mapping<br />

<strong>and</strong> analysing the process of migrant smuggling from the south towards Western<br />

European countries are relatively limited.<br />

One of the earliest studies, carried out by Ulrich in 1995, focused on<br />

migrant smuggling in the Nordic <strong>and</strong> Baltic countries by employing border<br />

apprehensions <strong>and</strong> asylum data, among others. Among the most interesting<br />

findings in terms of transport methods was the airlifting of 29 migrants via<br />

helicopter from the Russian Federation into Pol<strong>and</strong> (Ulrich, 1995). In a more<br />

recent study focusing on Austria, Bilger, Hoffman <strong>and</strong> J<strong>and</strong>l in 2006, followed a<br />

market-oriented approach to analyse the structure <strong>and</strong> tactics of the smuggling<br />

networks operative in the country. They concluded, among others, that Austria<br />

was mainly acting as a transit country dominated by a multitude of providers<br />

offering differentiated services (Bilger, Hoffman <strong>and</strong> J<strong>and</strong>l, 2006). <strong>Research</strong><br />

conducted in Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern Europe revealed the continuously changing<br />

patterns of migrant smuggling through Bulgaria, Hungary <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> by means of<br />

forged documentation, abuse of the asylum system <strong>and</strong> concealment in hidden<br />

compartments in vehicles, as well as the organization of smuggling networks<br />

into smaller, collaborating individual groups, which the analysts resembled to<br />

an “octopus” – rather than a pyramid – structure (Futó, J<strong>and</strong>l <strong>and</strong> Karsakova,<br />

2005). In her study of the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, van Liempt traced the paths followed<br />

122<br />

5. Europe

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