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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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migratory corridor. Brigden (2015) employed a multisited fieldwork strategy in El<br />

Salvador, Mexico <strong>and</strong> the United States to trace the improvisational practices of<br />

migrants travelling irregularly. Following a similar methodology, Guevara (2015)<br />

mapped the reliance of migrants on the humanitarian shelters that are set up<br />

along Mexico’s South Pacific route, as connected to the interactions of migrants<br />

<strong>and</strong> their families with smugglers. Vogt (2013) traced the commodification<br />

of migrants <strong>and</strong> their victimization by groups of organized criminals <strong>and</strong> the<br />

solidification of predatory smuggling <strong>and</strong> kidnapping practices. The work of<br />

Álvarez Velasco (2015) has been fundamental at mapping the migratory spaces<br />

between the United States, Mexico <strong>and</strong> Ecuador <strong>and</strong> their configuration into<br />

a migratory system that identifies the complexities of the smuggler-migrant<br />

relationship. Stone-Cadena’s research on indigenous coyotes in Ecuador has also<br />

bridged the gap on the ethnographic work linking migration from South America<br />

to the United States, examining the strategies of mobility <strong>and</strong> social networking<br />

deployed by migrants <strong>and</strong> smugglers in Ecuador’s Southern Highl<strong>and</strong>s (2014).<br />

While lesser explored, work on the journeys of transcontinental migrants from<br />

West Africa to South America is also part of the ethnographic production in the<br />

region. The doctoral work of Uriarte-Bálsamo <strong>and</strong> the ensuing publication of her<br />

book (2009) provided important insights into the experience of Ghanaian <strong>and</strong><br />

Nigerian migrants travelling by boat to Argentina, Uruguay <strong>and</strong> the Bolivarian<br />

Republic of Venezuela.<br />

Conclusion <strong>and</strong> ways forward<br />

For generations, migration processes have been an integral part of the<br />

history of Latin America <strong>and</strong> a fundamental element of the identity of its people.<br />

While mainstream migration perspectives continue to frame migrants primarily<br />

as economic actors seeking to travel to locations where they can improve their<br />

economic potential (Herrera, 2003), the approach has historically <strong>and</strong> structurally<br />

failed to acknowledge the complexity of the factors leading to migration <strong>and</strong> the<br />

individual desires of those who migrate. Among these knowledge gaps lies the<br />

lack of scholarly engagements with the processes connected with the facilitation<br />

of irregular migration, which, amid State narratives of national security <strong>and</strong><br />

claims over sovereignty, has become increasingly treated as a security threat,<br />

its cultural <strong>and</strong> community dimensions often ignored by methodological<br />

approaches that favour discourses of crime, victimization <strong>and</strong> violence. This<br />

is not to suggest that migrant smuggling is not violent, or that its facilitators<br />

are not likely to engage in abusive or exploitative behaviour – a statement of<br />

that nature would not only be naïve but amiss. Instead, the statement calls<br />

for the recognition of the need for approaches that are critical of how the<br />

focus on violence as inherent to smuggling that has dominated scholarly <strong>and</strong><br />

policy engagements with smuggling facilitation in the Americas has limited the<br />

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11. Latin America

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