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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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Next to the lack of comparable <strong>and</strong> comprehensive data, the accuracy<br />

of the available information is hard to assess, as little is also known about the<br />

data collection <strong>and</strong> registration processes themselves. National authorities in<br />

Europe provide little – if any at all – information about the tools <strong>and</strong> procedures<br />

employed mainly at the operational level to register the data. St<strong>and</strong>ardized<br />

procedures, for instance, <strong>and</strong> indicators are normally absent. Some insights on<br />

the circumstances under which information is retrieved can be found within<br />

the judicial files, once a suspected smuggler is brought before a court <strong>and</strong> a<br />

public hearing takes place. The court records reveal that more often than not,<br />

the identification process <strong>and</strong> collection of evidence is carried out within a<br />

particularly difficult context, for instance, at a remote border location, in the<br />

open sea at night, during a rescue operation or in the face of multiple arrivals.<br />

Individual police testimonies on observed events are frequently the primary<br />

or even only source of information. The extent to which information gets lost<br />

or personal biases <strong>and</strong> presumptions may further obscure the assessment of a<br />

situation is a gap in the authors’ knowledge (Shelley, 2014; Salt, 2000; Carrera et<br />

al., 2016; European Commission, 2015).<br />

A review of the Greek statistics helps illustrates the concern. Figure<br />

5.2 illustrates the number of irregular migrants <strong>and</strong> the number of suspected<br />

smugglers apprehended between 2006 <strong>and</strong> 2015. Interestingly, while the<br />

flows of irregular arrivals have significantly fluctuated, the number of arrested<br />

smugglers has remained relatively stable. What is probably most surprising is<br />

that despite the dramatic increase of irregular arrivals in 2015 – from 77,000 to<br />

800,000 – the number of detected smugglers hardly changed.<br />

In addition, <strong>and</strong> independent of the dramatic shifts in the flows through<br />

the l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> sea borders over the past five years, each year more than half of all<br />

suspected smugglers were arrested at the Greek–Turkish l<strong>and</strong> borders (Hellenic<br />

Police, 2016). Although, as noted earlier, smugglers reportedly do not travel<br />

with the refugee boats, this only partly answers the quest. In the absence of any<br />

additional information, verifying what proportion of the overall phenomenon<br />

the above data represents becomes almost impossible.<br />

Collecting consistent data on migrant smuggling in the European context<br />

presents the additional difficulty that there is little consensus across the national<br />

jurisdictions on the definition of migrant smuggling itself. In practice, this means<br />

that different situations may qualify as migrant smuggling across the region, as<br />

each authority follows its own definition <strong>and</strong> rules (Salt, 2000). Nonetheless,<br />

collecting national data would allow at least for checking trends within each<br />

jurisdiction even if comparison would have to be done with caution.<br />

118<br />

5. Europe

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