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Migrant Smuggling Data and Research

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Conclusion <strong>and</strong> ways forward<br />

When it comes to evaluating the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of migrant smuggling in<br />

Europe, the present study confirms some important knowledge gaps <strong>and</strong> also<br />

draws attention to new emerging ones.<br />

There is wide agreement among scholars that there is a general lack<br />

of data that contemporary research <strong>and</strong> data collection methods have thus<br />

far been unable to overcome. The scale of the phenomenon, the specific<br />

modalities of intra-European movement, its interconnection with other forms<br />

of crime, the involvement of women, the scale of the smuggling industry <strong>and</strong><br />

its interconnection with other forms of crime <strong>and</strong> in particular trafficking in<br />

human beings are some of the established factual knowledge gaps (UNODC,<br />

2011; Europol, 2016; Baird, 2013a). The impact of the recent Syrian crisis <strong>and</strong><br />

the European response to an apparent incessantly growing threat has opened<br />

however new str<strong>and</strong>s of thought.<br />

Irregular child migration has been known to take place in Europe for<br />

several years now (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2011). Over<br />

the past few years, a growing number of children have been travelling alone.<br />

There is also strong speculation that many children are sent by their parents<br />

or smugglers, on their own or with adults they are not related to, in order to<br />

make it possible for the rest of the family to follow later by taking advantage of<br />

reunification schemes. However, in 2016, Europol raised the alert on the fate of<br />

around 10,000 children that had gone missing, 5,000 of whom were estimated<br />

to have disappeared in Italy alone <strong>and</strong> 1,000 in Sweden (Townsend, 2016).<br />

However, only few studies have explored the prevalence of minors also within<br />

the smuggling process. Among the most informing contemporary contributions<br />

in tracing the profile of smuggled children but also providing insights in their<br />

decision-making process has been a 2005 study conducted by Derluyn <strong>and</strong><br />

Broekaert, on the basis of 1,093 data files of minors intercepted in Zeebruge,<br />

one of the main Belgian ports. The children, primarily teenagers from Asian <strong>and</strong><br />

Eastern European countries, were transiting to reunite with family members,<br />

find work or escape a dire situation at home (Derluyn <strong>and</strong> Broekart, 2005; Baird,<br />

2013a). Nonetheless, pertinent questions both in terms of facts <strong>and</strong> doctrinal<br />

implications remain unanswered. For instance, little is known about the extent<br />

of their exploitation, the degree in which they act themselves as smugglers or<br />

even guardians of other minors. Notions of agency, coercion <strong>and</strong> victimization in<br />

the context of migrants smuggling become particularly complex when reviewed<br />

in light of childhood (Baird, 2013a).<br />

<strong>Migrant</strong> <strong>Smuggling</strong> <strong>Data</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Research</strong>:<br />

A global review of the emerging evidence base<br />

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