Migrant Smuggling Data and Research
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In terms of lines of enquiry, the research tends to be destination<br />
focused, in terms of European destinations along Mediterranean routes, with<br />
little research along the chain. This is presumably because of the challenge in<br />
conducting research in Libya post-2014, as well as the tendency to focus on<br />
the Mediterranean post-2014 (as previously mentioned). It is likely to also be<br />
linked to the availability of data at destination (because of arrival statistics that<br />
are kept by European arrival countries) <strong>and</strong> the ease with which interviews can<br />
be conducted with migrants at destination. The effect of this is that smuggling<br />
routes <strong>and</strong> dynamics from North Africa are better documented than smuggling<br />
routes to <strong>and</strong> within North Africa, which means the issue is not comprehensively<br />
addressed.<br />
Moreover, when research is specifically focused on North Africa, it tends<br />
to focus on Libya. There is little research that has been conducted in recent<br />
years on other countries in the region. While Libya is the main country in North<br />
Africa when it comes to migration <strong>and</strong> smuggling <strong>and</strong> thus, does warrant the<br />
focus of the bulk of the research in the region, the lack of research on smuggling<br />
dynamics in other countries in the region <strong>and</strong> smuggling dynamics at transit<br />
points does make it challenging to develop interventions to address smuggling<br />
in other locations in the region.<br />
In terms of lines of enquiry more specifically, research areas that have<br />
been well addressed include the mapping of irregular migration <strong>and</strong> smuggling<br />
routes throughout the region (see Malakooti, 2015a, 2015b <strong>and</strong> 2013a; Collyer<br />
et al., 2016) <strong>and</strong> the profiles of the smugglers <strong>and</strong> dynamics of smuggling in<br />
the region (Reitano, Adal <strong>and</strong> Shaw, 2014; Toaldo, 2015b; Naik et al., 2015 <strong>and</strong><br />
2016; Frouws, 2014; Malakooti, 2015a, 2015b, 2013a <strong>and</strong> 2013b). There has also<br />
been some attempt to map the economics of smuggling; that is, the pricing of<br />
smuggling routes in terms of what migrants are paying for smuggling services<br />
(Malakooti, 2015a, 2015b, 2013a <strong>and</strong> 2013b) <strong>and</strong> the sizing of the smuggling<br />
economy in terms of the revenues it generates (USIP, UNODC, GITNOC).<br />
While these areas have been well addressed, what is lacking is ongoing<br />
research <strong>and</strong> analysis. The region is quite dynamic, <strong>and</strong> the instability in Libya<br />
causes much change in the trends. <strong>Research</strong> that supports trend analysis would<br />
be beneficial to policymakers <strong>and</strong> programme managers, <strong>and</strong> also provide some<br />
forecasting ability over time.<br />
There is also little research on the individuals that sit at the top of smuggling<br />
networks in the region. Most studies agree that these networks are headed by<br />
individuals who are rarely seen, but none of them reveal much about them.<br />
More research dedicated to smuggling specifically, <strong>and</strong> particularly from the<br />
<strong>Migrant</strong> <strong>Smuggling</strong> <strong>Data</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Research</strong>:<br />
A global review of the emerging evidence base<br />
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