“some Brazilians […] do and answer such question. [Therefore] becomes possible to park inforbidden places, jump queues in government departments, receive some kind <strong>of</strong> law benefit orbeing a general rule exception” (Almeida: 16, 2007).Nevertheless the efficiency <strong>of</strong> the “do you know with whom you are talking to?” scam can bepartly explain by the fact that this high given position to the elites in Brazil is supported by themasses to a larger extent than for the ones that can take advantage <strong>of</strong> it- although the elites havetheir own ways to keep its privileges. According to Alberto Almeida in what he called PesquisaNacional Brasileira 4 , about 70% <strong>of</strong> the population that have four years, or less, <strong>of</strong> studies refusesto threat his-her boss as “você” (you) – instead <strong>of</strong> “senhor(a) (sir-madam)- even when asked bytheir employers, or to use the same lift <strong>of</strong> their hirers though when it is “allowed” by theresidential building tenants association 5 .b. THE ‘SEEM TO HAVE’ SOCIETYTherefore, through its effective hierarchical social scheme, one would argue that social statusand wealth are extremely significant in Brazil; thus the postmodern idea that we live on aConsumer Society (Baudrillard, 1998) would fit well over Brazilian frames. However a goodshare <strong>of</strong> the Globalization Social Club discussion comes from the tension between views overwestern society from two <strong>of</strong> most famous postmodernists, Jean Baudrillard and Guy Debord(Debord, 1994): a society where what matters is not solely be, nor just have, but where,sometimes, it is enough to seem to have.c. A ‘GLOBAL ELITE’ EXISTS?Let‟s make a necessary break on Brazilian society discussion for few lines and aim to broaderpicture: the existence, or not, <strong>of</strong> a global elite. This discussion can be seeing in different ways,some would say that such phenomenon does not exist whatsoever, while others would argue thata global elite exists within a „new‟ economic-cultural set known as „postmodernity‟ (Harvey4 Pesquisa Nacional Brasileira – or Brazilian National Survey – is a quantitative research that aimed to unveil howBrazilian society works in its ethics, prejudices and social relations. From July 18 th to October 5 th <strong>of</strong> 2002, thesurvey was answered by 2.363 people in different Brazilian areas. The survey results are shown in AlbertoAlmeida’s book “A Cabeca do Brasileiro” (The Brazilians Head).5 Most Brazilian residential buildings have two different types <strong>of</strong> lift. One is called “Social” and is intended to beused by the tenants and their guests. Other is called “service lift” and transports maids, janitors and caretakers.7
1990). However certain authors argue that elites, even if in different time periods, have alwaysbeing rather similar among each other.“[I]n the past, as they are today, the elites <strong>of</strong> the wealthy and powerful were always morecosmopolitically inclined than the rest <strong>of</strong> the population <strong>of</strong> the lands they inhabited; at alltimes they tended to create a culture <strong>of</strong> their own which made little <strong>of</strong> the same bordersthat held fast for lesser folk; they had more in common with elites across the borders thanwith the rest <strong>of</strong> the population inside them” (Bauman, 12. 1998).Although Bauman‟s statement implies that elites were always alike in their cultures, suchsimilarity might have grown in the past years with the “intensification <strong>of</strong> worldwide socialrelations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by eventsoccurring many miles away and vice-versa” (Giddens 1990) called Globalization. Furthermorethe global elite establishment, or its intensification, can be also considered an aftermath <strong>of</strong> theeconomical system adopted by most <strong>of</strong> the nations following the URSS‟ extinction, a fullydevelopment <strong>of</strong> global capitalism, through the world wide economic and cultural increasinglyinteraction, as an effect <strong>of</strong> the „late capitalism‟ (Jameson 1984).d. ’THE LOST DECADE’ IN BRAZILGoing back to Brazilian society, but keeping the same time frame, the 80s and early 90s werealso particularly significant to our discussion for both its chronological proximity with nowadaysscenario and its economical aspect in <strong>Latin</strong> America. Most <strong>of</strong> the region suffered with severeindustrial production reductions that lead to an economical depression with volatility <strong>of</strong> markets,problems <strong>of</strong> external solvency, low GDP growth and extremely high rates <strong>of</strong> inflation 6 . ToBrazilian population such picture was translated to high unemployment rate and loss <strong>of</strong>consumption power. During this period, that is considered by many the Lost Decade in <strong>Latin</strong>America (Ayau, 1989), foreign goods were not just considered <strong>of</strong> superior quality, due thescrapped national industry at the time, but also unaffordable by most <strong>of</strong> Brazilian population –trait that turned the link between Brazilian elite to Europe and North America culture even moreevident. Moreover, one would say that such situation also lowered the Brazilian proud that was6 During the 80’s, Brazilian inflation had an average <strong>of</strong> 330% a year. While from 1990 to 1994 (before theimplantation <strong>of</strong> the Plano Real) the average reached 764% per year (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografian e Estatistica– IBGE).8
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AbstractThis article explores some
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displaced people in relation to the
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Colombian case as a particular cond
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displacement instead of rejecting d
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5. Inter American Court contributio
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Moreover, the displaced are subject
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fabric on which lies the basis of t
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assistance; the right to exercise b
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ordinating and improving assistance
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and brutalisation of the armed conf
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subjects a free legal consultation
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8. Conclusions: how can the protect
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ReferencesACNUR, Balance de la pol
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FAMIG (Fundación de atención al m
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Una comunidad de Pazfrente al Estad
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salud y la educación. La pérdida
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gobierno es: “ser propositivo y d
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esidente y a los refugiados que van
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paramilitares, las comunidades camp
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asesinado. 28 Esta afirmación fue
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Los habitantes desplazados solicita
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La segunda detención de Elkin Dari
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Comunidad decidió declarar en la C
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- Page 51 and 52: Brigada XVII del Ejército. 62 Al d
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- Page 57 and 58: Ratifican su existencia como una Co
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- Page 61 and 62: A violência no romance O matador d
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- Page 95 and 96: AbstractIn the past two decades, gl
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- Page 113 and 114: Routledge.Online References-2004 Un
- Page 115 and 116: IntroducciónEl presente trabajo se
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- Page 121 and 122: En lo que refiere a los discursos p
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- Page 127 and 128: ApéndiceNota de La Gaceta, secció
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- Page 137 and 138: Los pibes chorros todavía mantiene
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- Page 141 and 142: El 11 de febrero de 1999, Magdalena
- Page 143 and 144: Speranza, Graciela, “Cómo vivir
- Page 145 and 146: Sin la complejidad teórica de Ratz
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primera) biografía sobre Raúl Pre
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Una rápida consulta a los periódi
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valiosos de la vida colectiva. Se t
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identificado como un caso de narrad
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La joven se refiere al arma que la
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Todas las veces en las que pudo mor
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atravesando una quinta a oscuras, c
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Notas:1 El proyecto consta de dos p
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Consumption society challenged: Bra
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due to unequal land distribution we
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Hence, the neo-liberal free trade a
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een to stand up to neo-liberalism a
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structural adjustment programs and
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a participant in the larger counter
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Löwy, Michael 2001. “The socio-r
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World Bank 2002. “What is empower