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Papers - Conference 2009 - Institute of Latin American Studies

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equirements for their access, in the light <strong>of</strong> their special conditions. On the otherhand, extending post-emergency programmes to include receiving populations,requires careful formulation <strong>of</strong> the bases for inclusion. It is clear from the analysispresented here that a reintegration programme for the displaced requires a range<strong>of</strong> differentiated strategies that include both the urban and the semi-urban, theindividual and the collective, the displaced people and the receiving communities,and takes account <strong>of</strong> the special needs and capabilities <strong>of</strong> women, young peopleand ethnic minorities. All displaced people have a “face” and need to be treatedwithin the context <strong>of</strong> their being.The territorial and communal fragmentation in the midst <strong>of</strong> the conflict constitutesone <strong>of</strong> the major obstacles to a comprehensive strategy towards socialreconstruction and the integration <strong>of</strong> internally displaced persons. The smallestregions and communities are subject to the arbitrary rule <strong>of</strong> guns employed byfrequently shifting local power wielders. For most displaced persons, returning totheir home is not a realistic option, given the escalating conflict and the fact thatthe civilian population is the most victimised <strong>of</strong> the armed crisis. Even thedisplaced people see integration as an unlikely possibility; only thirteen percentindicate a preference for return.There have been some examples <strong>of</strong> return movements with internationalmonitoring. Nevertheless, <strong>of</strong>ficial figures show the incidence <strong>of</strong> return reducing inthe last few years. Rural resettlement schemes seem to have been less <strong>of</strong> anoption, as only a few displaced people have used this option. Institutionalstrategies for urban integration remain weak and incoherent. It appears likely thatthe President Uribe government will strengthen the option <strong>of</strong> return for displacedpeople in the framework <strong>of</strong> the president’s pacification model (formerly known as“Democratic Security Policy”). On the other hand, re-establishment strategies runby displaced persons remain by-and-large unrecognised by the government.24

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