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Germar Rudolf, Resistance Is Obligatory (2012; PDF-Datei

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GERMAR RUDOLF, RESISTANCE IS OBLIGATORY<br />

Germany in the process of the increasingly fanatic enforcement of “political<br />

correctness”:<br />

“He who nowadays expresses a really controversial position will<br />

instantly hear a clamor of outrage or will even be suspected of having<br />

breached a taboo in a dangerous way. The liberal public tends<br />

to no longer allow any other than the liberal opinion [or what it considers<br />

to be liberal, GR]. A list of thoughts could be drawn up, the<br />

expression of which is almost prohibited. [Only almost? GR …] Liberalism<br />

has prevailed, but this victory consists in having lost its tolerance.<br />

A persecuting liberalism has evolved that puts all contemplation<br />

under the suspicion of radicalism which is searching for alternatives<br />

to the persisting conditions. […] Victorious liberalism has<br />

assumed the mentality of a State Protection Force which sees enemies<br />

of the constitution everywhere. […] Nowadays one is faster<br />

classified as a fascist than one can blink with an eye.”<br />

Mathias Kepplinger, who has thoroughly investigated the media’s<br />

methods to ostracize dissidents, wrote in a study with the title The Art of<br />

Scandalization and the Illusion of Truth: 198<br />

“What are the reasons for the intolerant reactions of these people<br />

who consider themselves to be tolerant? One reason is the firm conviction<br />

that dissidents not only have the wrong opinion, but that they<br />

reject reality, which itself is a result of the successful establishing of<br />

a generally binding point of view. […] The claim of validity is documented<br />

in an exemplary way by scandalizing persons and organizations<br />

violating the norms. The aim of the scandalization is public<br />

condemnation. […] Hence nonconformists have to be eliminated.<br />

[…]<br />

The condemnation of nonconformists caters to the majority’s<br />

feeling of superiority, and it serves to subjugate those who have been<br />

scandalized. […] In this sense all scandals have totalitarian traits:<br />

They aim at enforcing conformity by all, because public deviation of<br />

a few would challenge the claim to power of the scandalizers and<br />

their adherents. The big scandals can therefore also be viewed as<br />

democratic versions of show trials.”<br />

And if public scandalization is not enough to suppress dissent, then<br />

the State resorts to trials, as can be seen in my case.<br />

198 Die Kunst der Skandalierung und die Illusion der Wahrheit, Olzog, Munich 2001, pp. 84f., 88f.<br />

178

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