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Health care 101<br />
service basis. That is, <strong>for</strong> each procedure per<strong>for</strong>med <strong>the</strong>y or <strong>the</strong>ir hospital employer bill<br />
<strong>the</strong> provincial insurance plan at <strong>the</strong> prescribed rate, which is periodically negotiated<br />
between provincial governments and provincial physicians’ associations.<br />
Perhaps <strong>the</strong> most significant flaw with <strong>the</strong> single-payer/fee-<strong>for</strong>-service system is <strong>the</strong><br />
incentive structure that it yields. For <strong>the</strong> consumer, <strong>the</strong>re is an incentive to seek health<br />
care services even in cases where <strong>the</strong> marginal health benefits are small relative to <strong>the</strong><br />
costs of providing <strong>the</strong> services. <strong>The</strong> obvious reason <strong>for</strong> this is that <strong>the</strong> expected private<br />
benefits (that is, those to <strong>the</strong> individual consumer) are still greater than <strong>the</strong> private (but<br />
not <strong>the</strong> public) costs of <strong>the</strong> service. Although policy-makers have sometimes raised <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility of implementing a user fee co-payment system to curb patient abuse, <strong>the</strong><br />
notion is a highly contentious one in Canada, although most of <strong>the</strong> “universal access”<br />
nations in <strong>the</strong> OECD apply user fees or co-payments of some sort. 18 Critics argue that<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than targeting abusers of <strong>the</strong> system, user fees discriminate against <strong>the</strong> poor who<br />
will be more price sensitive. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>y argue that <strong>the</strong>re is little evidence that<br />
patient-driven demand <strong>for</strong> unnecessary medical services accounts <strong>for</strong> a significant<br />
percentage of overall health care expenditures and that severe in<strong>for</strong>mation asymmetries<br />
between patient and physicians render <strong>the</strong> latter <strong>the</strong> key decision-making agents in health<br />
care utilization decisions. 19<br />
<strong>The</strong> perverse economic incentives faced by physicians in a heavily subsidized, fee-<strong>for</strong>service<br />
environment are of central concern. Because physicians are paid solely <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
services that <strong>the</strong>y provide to <strong>the</strong>ir patients, <strong>the</strong>y face incentives to increase <strong>the</strong> number of<br />
those services as a means of enhancing <strong>the</strong>ir revenues or to externalize costs to o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
elements of <strong>the</strong> system through, <strong>for</strong> example, unnecessary referrals, because <strong>the</strong>y do not<br />
bear <strong>the</strong>se costs. 20 <strong>The</strong> result has been an increase in in-patient hospital care, an overuse<br />
of testing, a sharp increase in billings by specialists, and an over-prescription of<br />
pharmaceuticals, all of which are expensive services <strong>for</strong> which more cost-effective<br />
alternatives often exist. 21 Thus, despite <strong>the</strong>ir designated role as gatekeepers to <strong>the</strong> health<br />
care system, in a pure fee-<strong>for</strong>-service system, general practitioners have few economic<br />
incentives to be sensitive to <strong>the</strong> cost-effectiveness of <strong>the</strong> various services <strong>the</strong>y supply or<br />
recommend. 22 <strong>The</strong> long-term effects of this perverse incentive structure include <strong>the</strong> overuse<br />
of health care services, unduly high costs, and a growing concern over <strong>the</strong> resultant<br />
rationing of services through queuing (especially <strong>for</strong> secondary care and specialist<br />
services where capacity constraints are more binding).<br />
Finally, <strong>the</strong>re are perverse incentives facing hospitals in <strong>the</strong> Canadian variant of <strong>the</strong><br />
single-payer/fee-<strong>for</strong>-service model as well. Because hospitals are allocated annual<br />
prospective global budgets on <strong>the</strong> basis of <strong>the</strong>ir previous operating budget and capital<br />
costs, it is advantageous <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong>m to operate at maximum capacity, even if <strong>the</strong> medical<br />
benefits do not justify <strong>the</strong> costs. 23 Recently, this concern has led some provinces to adopt<br />
“case-based” funding systems, which attempt to reimburse hospitals <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> mix and<br />
volume of cases <strong>the</strong>y actually treat. 24 On a larger scale, <strong>the</strong>re continues to be ongoing<br />
debate in Canada regarding <strong>the</strong> effective governance of publicly funded health care<br />
institutions, <strong>the</strong> need <strong>for</strong> improved accountability with respect to public spending, and <strong>the</strong><br />
need <strong>for</strong> more community input into decision-making processes. 25<br />
Having identified <strong>the</strong> frailties of <strong>the</strong> single-payer/fee-<strong>for</strong>-service system, it is<br />
important not to overlook its benefits. First, <strong>the</strong> system largely eliminates concerns of<br />
insurance market failure. Because health care providers receive government funding <strong>for</strong>