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Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library

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<strong>Rethinking</strong> <strong>the</strong> selfare state 72<br />

<strong>the</strong> case, <strong>for</strong> instance, in Ontario, where receipt of <strong>the</strong> maximum individual Ontario<br />

Works benefit of $520 per month is contingent on residence in suitable rental<br />

accommodation; persons living on <strong>the</strong> street or in rent-free shelters are not eligible <strong>for</strong><br />

full benefits, and instead receive only <strong>the</strong> far more modest Personal Needs Assistance<br />

grant. While some jurisdictions, such as Sweden and France, do give welfare recipients a<br />

high degree of discretion, no states currently rely on cash grants as <strong>the</strong> only source of<br />

housing assistance; as mentioned earlier, both Sweden and France have fairly extensive<br />

SRH programs in place which work to maximize welfare benefits.<br />

<strong>The</strong> argument against “untying” welfare benefits from <strong>the</strong>ir housing requirement is<br />

both familiar and obvious. By liberating <strong>the</strong> lion’s share of benefits as cash, a financial<br />

incentive is created on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> recipient to live in cheap but severely substandard<br />

housing, regardless of <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>for</strong> personal or public health. In fact, taken to its<br />

logical conclusion, <strong>the</strong>re is no reason why untying benefits in this fashion would not<br />

result in an “in<strong>for</strong>mal housing boom,” given <strong>the</strong> financial incentive on <strong>the</strong> part of welfare<br />

recipients to live rent-free on public or private land in order to maximize available cash.<br />

Whe<strong>the</strong>r or not this scenario is as alarmist as it may sound is not clear, as no<br />

jurisdiction has seriously contemplated such a policy. However, it is not difficult to see<br />

why political support <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> removal of <strong>the</strong> suitable housing requirement of welfare<br />

benefits is likely to be weak at best. Moreover, in <strong>the</strong> case of those groups <strong>for</strong> whom<br />

adequate housing is most easily justified on humanitarian grounds—families with<br />

children—a significant principal-agent problem presents itself as parents have an<br />

incentive to spend insufficiently on adequate housing <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir children in order to<br />

liberate fur<strong>the</strong>r cash. <strong>The</strong>re is reason to expect that a system which removes <strong>the</strong> housing<br />

requirement of welfare benefits and replaces it with an equal cash grant is likely to be<br />

both politically unpopular and ineffective at resolving housing shortages.<br />

Design challenges<br />

Vouchering has obvious advantages over pure public provision, while cash grants do not<br />

present a viable alternative. Like supply-side subsidies, however, and in view of <strong>the</strong><br />

objective of increasing <strong>the</strong> stock of af<strong>for</strong>dable housing, voucher programs encounter a<br />

major difficulty in <strong>the</strong> <strong>for</strong>m of supply-side inelasticity. A program which fails to produce<br />

a sustainable increase in <strong>the</strong> number of units of af<strong>for</strong>dable housing must be said to have<br />

failed to resolve <strong>the</strong> housing crisis.<br />

<strong>The</strong> major challenge facing a voucher-based housing policy, <strong>the</strong>n, is to establish how<br />

vouchers can best be used to stimulate new construction of af<strong>for</strong>dable housing to meet <strong>the</strong><br />

needs of a growing population, and to ensure that <strong>the</strong>se units remain accessible to lowincome<br />

households. It is possible, however, to separate this challenge into two principal<br />

design problems: ensuring that low-income households gain access to vouchers, thus<br />

creating a stable and adequate demand market <strong>for</strong> low-income housing; and ensuring that<br />

<strong>the</strong> proper incentive mechanisms are in place to stimulate <strong>the</strong> supply-side market to<br />

provide housing which meets <strong>the</strong> actual needs of low-income households, including <strong>the</strong><br />

construction of new units if necessary.

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