Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
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<strong>Rethinking</strong> <strong>the</strong> selfare state 116<br />
and Disability has found it impossible to develop a specific list of priorities in treatment.<br />
As a result, significant discretion has been left in <strong>the</strong> hands of <strong>the</strong> Regional Health<br />
Authorities who have largely resorted to maintaining pre-existing service patterns. <strong>The</strong><br />
question of what services should be covered and which should not is indeed a difficult<br />
challenge and requires recurrent revisitation in response to technological developments<br />
and new evidence of health service costs and benefits, raising institutional issues of who<br />
should decide <strong>the</strong>se questions, on what criteria, and following what kind of decisionmaking<br />
process.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> aging of <strong>the</strong> population in many countries, <strong>the</strong> provision of long-term care<br />
(LTC) raises <strong>the</strong> issue of scope of coverage in one of its most acute <strong>for</strong>ms. LTC<br />
comprises a wide range of services including medical care, assistance with activities of<br />
daily living (ADLs), which includes assistance with mobility, using <strong>the</strong> restroom and<br />
eating, and assistance with instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs), which includes<br />
assistance with household chores, taking medication and money management. LTC can<br />
involve institutionalization in a hospital or nursing home, <strong>the</strong> use of adult day care<br />
facilities, or home visits. While <strong>the</strong> medical components of LTC are often treated as<br />
health care benefits, non-medical components are generally viewed as “social” benefits,<br />
hence not attracting <strong>the</strong> same level of government support.<br />
<strong>The</strong> policy rationalization <strong>for</strong> this distinction seems to be that LTC services that are<br />
not “medically necessary” fall outside <strong>the</strong> ambit of <strong>the</strong> Rawlsian justification <strong>for</strong><br />
universal access to health care. In our view, a comprehensive and efficient system of<br />
health care should include many LTC services. First, most non-medical LTC services are<br />
required as a direct consequence of medical conditions. For example, an elderly person<br />
with severe arthritis may require help with household chores because of her medical<br />
condition. <strong>The</strong> distinction between a “medical” service and a non-medical service that is<br />
required as a direct consequence of a medical condition is tenuous, and <strong>the</strong> denial of a<br />
benefit to a person requiring <strong>the</strong> latter conflicts with values of distributive justice and<br />
personal autonomy.<br />
In many countries, only those with extremely low levels of assets are eligible <strong>for</strong><br />
government funding of non-medical LTC services. 103 This means-testing is often<br />
normatively justified on <strong>the</strong> basis that <strong>the</strong>se services are akin to welfare benefits, and thus<br />
should only be provided to those who are seriously impoverished. However, it fails to<br />
recognize that <strong>the</strong> costs of LTC are often prohibitive, even <strong>for</strong> those people with<br />
moderate income/asset levels. In many countries, individuals are required to “spend<br />
down” <strong>the</strong>ir assets in order to meet eligibility requirements <strong>for</strong> state-funded LTC, 104 at<br />
which point <strong>the</strong>y will <strong>the</strong>n be eligible <strong>for</strong> state-financing but will <strong>the</strong>n find <strong>the</strong>mselves in<br />
a state of poverty<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r concern is that <strong>the</strong> strict separation of medical and non-medical services<br />
serves as a source of inefficiency in <strong>the</strong> health care system. Hospitals may simply<br />
discharge patients requiring chronic care to nursing homes or to <strong>the</strong> community, <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
divesting <strong>the</strong>mselves of <strong>the</strong> costs. Alternatively, hospitals may be under pressure to keep<br />
patients in high-cost, publicly financed chronic care units even when a more efficient but<br />
unfunded alternative exists.<br />
Finally, <strong>the</strong>re does not seem to be a coherent <strong>the</strong>oretical reason <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> reluctance to<br />
finance LTC primarily through a public insurance system. Feder and colleagues argue<br />
that, “we typically rely on insurance to deal with costs that are potentially catastrophic