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<strong>Rethinking</strong> <strong>the</strong> selfare state 56<br />

now. Given that fewer than 20 percent of food stamp recipient households rely solely on<br />

non-governmental sources <strong>for</strong> income, 75 <strong>the</strong> cashing-out option would have a detrimental<br />

effect on a high proportion of households.<br />

A more immediate concern of cashing-out is <strong>the</strong> loss of political support <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> FSP<br />

from <strong>the</strong> taxpaying population. <strong>The</strong> program has enjoyed political longevity and public<br />

endorsement <strong>for</strong> over 35 years. Once <strong>the</strong> limitation to food is lifted, <strong>the</strong> public perception<br />

of <strong>the</strong> program becomes “just ano<strong>the</strong>r welfare payment.” In a certain sensfe, <strong>the</strong> program<br />

may lose its political legitimacy. It moves from being a program that directly feeds <strong>the</strong><br />

hungry to a program that provides general income maintenance support.<br />

Conclusion<br />

<strong>The</strong> FSP is <strong>the</strong> largest public assistance program in <strong>the</strong> United <strong>State</strong>s available to all<br />

households based on financial need. Its relative success gives some credibility to <strong>the</strong><br />

voucher concept as a politically popular means of delivering government-financed goods.<br />

Moreover, <strong>the</strong> constrained choices implicit within <strong>the</strong> FSP reflect both American<br />

society’s willingness to provide food <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> needy and its concern that public assistance<br />

will be abused. At <strong>the</strong> same time, however, it is important to note that most industrialized<br />

countries have consistently preferred <strong>the</strong> latter option. <strong>The</strong>re thus is no a priori reason to<br />

believe that social assistance alone cannot meet both <strong>the</strong>se concerns and hence why food<br />

stamps are inherently preferable to cash transfers in <strong>the</strong> <strong>for</strong>m of adequate welfare<br />

benefits. As we have seen, evidence that FSP coupons actually increase household<br />

spending on food as compared with an equivalent cash grant is equivocal at best, and <strong>the</strong><br />

effect varies according to household type. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> political success of cashtransfer<br />

programs in o<strong>the</strong>r nations suggests that <strong>the</strong>re is also no a priori reason to believe<br />

that “cashing-out” cannot gain popular support, particularly where it can be justified on<br />

grounds of fiscal efficiency.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> simple claim that cashing-out will do <strong>the</strong> same job as <strong>the</strong> FSP while<br />

automatically lowering administrative costs is also not beyond doubt, particularly as <strong>the</strong>re<br />

is some reason to believe that cashing-out will create some additional incentive <strong>for</strong> overparticipation,<br />

particularly if it becomes clear that FSPs are not entirely cash equivalent.<br />

<strong>The</strong> empirical case <strong>for</strong> or against cashing-out is still unresolved, and more cash-out<br />

experiments are needed to illuminate <strong>the</strong> debate fur<strong>the</strong>r. What <strong>the</strong> FSP example does<br />

establish with some certainty is that a few issues common to all voucher initiatives—<br />

consumer and supplier qualification, voucher valuation and political concerns—are<br />

decisive in determining <strong>the</strong>ir economic and political feasibility. It vindicates <strong>the</strong> view that<br />

particular voucher programs like <strong>the</strong> FSP fail or succeed not because <strong>the</strong>y are voucher<br />

initiatives, but because <strong>the</strong>y are able to respond well or poorly to a range of common<br />

design challenges as <strong>the</strong>y manifest <strong>the</strong>mselves in a given program area, as well as to local<br />

political imperatives.

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