Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library

Rethinking the selfare state 136
However, any such initiative is likely to be resisted strongly by many taxpayers and fiscal
conservatives opposed to the introduction of any new large-scale government expenditure
program. In addition, “family values” advocates argue that private child care facilities are
antithetical to traditional families. Consequently, they are likely to dogmatically oppose
any publicly financed increase in access to such services.
There are two political arguments for universal child care subsidies that may in a
means-tested program serves as a disincentive to seeking aid. 98 This may provide carry
some weight. First, for some families, the stigma associated with participating additional
support for the arguments of poverty advocates. Second, non-universal programs may
lack broad political support because only the poor stand to benefit. Currently, it is
estimated in the United States that only about 24 percent of eligible children are receiving
subsidies. 99 In Canada, all jurisdictions subsidize child care costs for low-income families
but limitations on the number of subsidies available exclude many eligible parents. 100
Universal entitlements, in contrast, are likely to capture more widespread political
support, possibly undercutting fiscal conservatives and “family values” traditionalists
alike.
Finally, when weighing the benefits and costs of implementing a child care policy
based on the private delivery of services, policy-makers should remember two of the key
political pitfalls of public systems: entrenched suppliers and unwieldy bureaucracies. 101
Moving towards a publicly provided child care system would almost certainly result in
both unionized child care professionals and an administrative oversight body, both highly
resistant to reform. If a public child care system were established these entrenched
interests would almost certainly militate against necessary reform. In contrast, we
currently have no such entrenched interests in North American child care, offering the
opportunity to pursue the most optimal policy free from at least one form of political
constraint.
Conclusions
Ruth Rose quotes an interesting and perhaps enlightening passage from Katie Cooke’s
1986 Canadian Report of the Task Force on Child Care. Cooke recalls that prior to the
introduction of universal primary education in the nineteenth century, political arguments
against the move similar to those heard today in the child care context were
commonplace:
Opponents of the proposed system argued that it would involve enormous
expense, the loss of individual choice, and an infringement of religious
and language rights. Some questioned the psychological and physical
effects of confining young children to a classroom for long periods of
time; others were concerned about the abilities and qualifications of the
teachers. There were sharp criticisms regarding the role of the family in
the upbringing of their children; parental responsibility and authority
would be undermined, family cohesiveness threatened, and the child’s
well-being jeopardized. 102