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Notes 255<br />
147 In <strong>the</strong> Alberta charter school context, ano<strong>the</strong>r problem has arisen in this regard. <strong>The</strong> Alberta<br />
legislation was designed under <strong>the</strong> assumption that <strong>the</strong>re would be cooperation between local<br />
school boards and charter schools. Consequently, <strong>the</strong> legislation called on local school<br />
boards to grant and renew charters. However, school boards have felt threatened by charter<br />
schools and <strong>the</strong> Minister of Education in Alberta has had to step in to grant and renew<br />
charters to all but one of <strong>the</strong> charter schools in <strong>the</strong> province. See Bosetti et al., supra note 53,<br />
pp. 170, 113.<br />
148 See United <strong>State</strong>s Charter Schools, supra note 49. For ano<strong>the</strong>r solution, consider David<br />
M.Beatty, <strong>The</strong> Ultimate Rule of Law (New York: Ox<strong>for</strong>d University Press, 2004), pp. 177–<br />
81. Beatty advocates a “proportional funding” approach, based on <strong>the</strong> Hungarian model. <strong>The</strong><br />
Hungarian constitutional courts have ruled that “<strong>the</strong> state must fund private schools ‘in<br />
proportion to <strong>the</strong>ir undertaking <strong>the</strong> state’s programmes’.” This avoids <strong>for</strong>cing religious<br />
citizens to subsidize public education <strong>the</strong>y disdain, while supporting <strong>the</strong> goals of <strong>the</strong> state in<br />
religious schools to <strong>the</strong> precise extent that state curricula is taught. Beatty fur<strong>the</strong>r suggests,<br />
following India’s Supreme Court, that <strong>the</strong> state may also regulate <strong>the</strong> quality of education in<br />
religious schools and takes reasonable steps to prevent intolerance and bigotry. Such a<br />
system would preserve fundamental state interests, while avoiding <strong>the</strong> differential treatment<br />
of secular and religious communities—a “rule which calls on <strong>the</strong> church and state to cooperate<br />
where <strong>the</strong>ir interests overlap.”<br />
149 See Greene, in Hepburn, supra note 2, p. 137.<br />
150 For example, <strong>the</strong> loss of a valuable school year to pupils, additional stress, disruption of<br />
lifestyle, and dislocation from one’s peers and social group.<br />
151 In Milwaukee, this sort of school failure actually took place, causing <strong>the</strong> students of <strong>the</strong><br />
Juanita Virgil Academy to lose a year’s education. Ernest L.Boyer, School Choice<br />
(Princeton, NJ: Carnegie Foundation, 1992), p. 67.<br />
152 Jerome J.Hanus and Peter W.Cookson, Choosing Schools—Vouchers and American<br />
Education (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1996), p. 160.<br />
153 See Greene et al., “Lesson from <strong>the</strong> Cleveland scholarship programme,” in P.E. Peterson<br />
and B.C.Hassel (eds) Learning from School Choice (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution,<br />
1998), pp. 357–92.<br />
154 To <strong>the</strong> extent that students’ learning is monitored, it will be advantageous to have gifted<br />
children in attendance and to treat <strong>the</strong>m as ordinary students. Thus, <strong>the</strong> moral hazard<br />
problem involved here is not that schools will not want gifted students, but that <strong>the</strong>y will not<br />
provide specialized programs that would benefit <strong>the</strong> gifted.<br />
155 Guido Calabresi and Philip Bobbitt, Tragic Choices (New York: W.W.Norton, 1978).<br />
156 This arrangement would have <strong>the</strong> added benefit of ensuring that schools do not explicitly<br />
cream-skim or engage in any overt <strong>for</strong>ms of discrimination. <strong>The</strong>re would not be any “fall<br />
back” reasons, <strong>for</strong> instance, to explain covert racially or ethnically discriminating policies.<br />
This mandatory pooling arrangement is what predominates in most charter schools. For an<br />
example, see Bosetti et al., supra note 53, p. 10.<br />
157 Brad<strong>for</strong>d, David F., and Daniel Shaviro, “<strong>The</strong> economics of vouchers,” in C.Eugene<br />
Steuerle, Van Doorn Ooms, George Peterson and Robert D.Reischauer (eds) Vouchers and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Provision of Public Services (Washinton, DC: Brookings Institution Press, CED, Urban<br />
Institute Press, 2000), p. 86.<br />
158 Ibid., p. 53. As an illustration of this idea <strong>the</strong>y suggest that donors, students and faculty of a<br />
<strong>for</strong>-profit university would be suspicious that decisions might not be made to maximize <strong>the</strong><br />
quality of teaching or research, but instead to maximize payments to <strong>the</strong> shareholders. This<br />
fear may not disappear, but would at least diminish if <strong>the</strong> university were a non-profit<br />
institution.<br />
159 Fly-by-night schools seeking to maximize profit in <strong>the</strong> short-run are more likely with<br />
extremely lenient government ex ante accreditation. <strong>The</strong> greater <strong>the</strong> barriers to entry to<br />
opening a school, <strong>the</strong> less likely such perverse behaviour by <strong>for</strong>-profit schools will be. <strong>The</strong>re