Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
Rethinking the Welfare State: The prospects for ... - e-Library
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8<br />
Primary and secondary education<br />
Introduction<br />
Ever since Milton Friedman proposed a voucher system <strong>for</strong> primary and secondary public<br />
education in 1955, 1 a vigorous debate has ensued in <strong>the</strong> US (and to a lesser extent<br />
elsewhere) on <strong>the</strong> virtues of school voucher systems. Recently, limited initiatives and<br />
pilot programs in various jurisdictions using vouchers and o<strong>the</strong>r choice-oriented<br />
initiatives such as charter schools and open enrollment plans have fuelled this debate with<br />
results that have spurred divergent analyses and interpretations. 2<br />
To evaluate <strong>the</strong> potential of school voucher systems on <strong>the</strong> quality of educational<br />
outcomes, we must first examine <strong>the</strong> objectives of primary and secondary education and<br />
<strong>the</strong> rationales <strong>for</strong> government intervention. Against this backdrop, we <strong>the</strong>n consider <strong>the</strong><br />
various modes <strong>for</strong> delivery of primary and secondary education, focusing primarily on<br />
<strong>the</strong> conventional public school model of education delivery in which government both<br />
owns and operates schools, and <strong>the</strong>n contrast this instrument with a range of different tied<br />
demand-side subsidy instruments (including vouchers). In light of <strong>the</strong> burgeoning<br />
international empirical evidence that finds significant educational improvements from <strong>the</strong><br />
adoption of demand-side subsidy schemes (as against monopoly government provision),<br />
we <strong>the</strong>n proceed to evaluate <strong>the</strong> myriad design challenges entailed by <strong>the</strong> adoption of<br />
educational vouchers so as to ensure that <strong>the</strong>se programs are responsive to legitimate<br />
public values.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ends of primary and second education and <strong>the</strong> rationales <strong>for</strong><br />
government intervention<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are two 3 broad approaches to <strong>the</strong> question of <strong>the</strong> ends of primary and secondary<br />
education. <strong>The</strong> “skills model” emphasizes <strong>the</strong> market value of <strong>the</strong> skills provided by<br />
primary and secondary education to <strong>the</strong> individual student. According to this view, <strong>the</strong><br />
most important benefits that primary and secondary education confers on students are a<br />
range of job-related skills that translate into an increased probability of employment after<br />
graduation. <strong>The</strong>se skills can range from basic literacy and numeracy to specialized<br />
vocational training and education in critical thinking and problem solving. 4 <strong>The</strong> second<br />
approach, <strong>the</strong> “citizenship model,” is less concerned with <strong>the</strong> private benefits accruing<br />
from education and instead focuses on <strong>the</strong> solidarity benefits that society derives from<br />
having an educated population that can think critically, recognize subtlety and appreciate<br />
moral and cultural values. Although this sort of “republican virtue” may, in fact, be of<br />
tangible market value, it would be inappropriate to evaluate <strong>the</strong> success of an educational