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Low-income housing 67<br />

part of low-income unit landlords is unlikely to furnish a sufficient profit. In such<br />

situations, supply-side subsidies which target <strong>the</strong> construction of new low-income rental<br />

units may be preferable to <strong>the</strong> alternatives. As mentioned earlier, <strong>the</strong> Swedish example<br />

certainly speaks to <strong>the</strong> effectiveness of such policies, albeit under a limited set of<br />

circumstances including low population density, a homogeneous population, and a<br />

relatively low level of income polarization.<br />

<strong>The</strong> major objection to supply-side subsidies, however, concerns “<strong>the</strong> substitution<br />

question,” namely, “do [targeted construction subsidies] add to <strong>the</strong> stock of housing, or<br />

do [units constructed through such subsidies] merely substitute <strong>for</strong> units that would have<br />

been produced with o<strong>the</strong>r finance sources?” 71 That is, how successful are subsidies at<br />

stimulating a sustainable increase in <strong>the</strong> stock of available low-income housing units?<br />

Malpezzi and Vandell conclude that <strong>the</strong> critical variable is <strong>the</strong> price elasticity of<br />

housing supply:<br />

If <strong>the</strong> market is more or less unresponsive to changes in price, and if <strong>the</strong><br />

number of low-income households is largely unaffected by <strong>the</strong> presence of<br />

absence of this additional subsidized housing, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> additional<br />

[subsidized] housing will have two salutary effects […] First, <strong>the</strong> [new]<br />

subsidized housing itself will be available <strong>for</strong> rent, presumably below ex<br />

ante market rents, so households who participated will presumably benefit<br />

from lower rents and possibly better housing conditions. Second, […] <strong>the</strong><br />

price of housing will fall in <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> market, as [supply increases]<br />

and demand <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> [previously] fixed stock falls. […]<br />

On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, if <strong>the</strong> supply of housing is perfectly elastic […] an<br />

initial fall in <strong>the</strong> price of housing will lead to a reduction in its supply<br />

Such a reduction will take place until <strong>the</strong> ex ante market price is restored.<br />

<strong>The</strong> total stock of housing will be unaffected ex post; but <strong>the</strong> new […]<br />

units will crowd out an equivalent quantity of unsubsidized housing. 72<br />

Consequently, <strong>the</strong>re is no reason to assume that construction subsidies will automatically<br />

increase <strong>the</strong> low-income housing stock, particularly where <strong>the</strong>re is reason to believe that<br />

<strong>the</strong> supply market is highly elastic (highly responsive to price changes). Indeed, Murray 73<br />

finds that over a period of roughly fifty years, <strong>the</strong> construction of subsidized, moderateincome<br />

housing (targeted at roughly 80 percent of median income) does not have a<br />

statistically significant effect on <strong>the</strong> total stock of low-income housing. For low-income<br />

social housing (targeted at roughly <strong>the</strong> poverty line), this crowding-out effect does not<br />

appear to occur.<br />

Moreover, <strong>the</strong> critical assumption that an increase in subsidized units will not have an<br />

effect on <strong>the</strong> number of low-income households may not hold true; that is, in an inelastic<br />

market, new households could <strong>for</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> city’s existing population as larger<br />

households can af<strong>for</strong>d to split up and “doubling up” decreases, while households could<br />

also migrate to <strong>the</strong> city if discouraged by <strong>the</strong> cost and availability of housing elsewhere.<br />

This increase in demand could deplete <strong>the</strong> housing stock and drive rents back up, thus<br />

mitigating <strong>the</strong> alleged benefits of construction subsidies. 74<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, given <strong>the</strong> relatively small profits to be had through investment in lowincome<br />

housing, <strong>the</strong>re is no reason to assume that investor interest will necessarily be

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