London scoping - ukcip
London scoping - ukcip
London scoping - ukcip
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
Final Report<br />
106<br />
<strong>London</strong>’s attractiveness emerges from its role within the UK as centre of government,<br />
commerce, finance, other business services, the media, creative arts, etc. The sheer<br />
concentration of these activities and associated resources generates its own momentum and<br />
accelerates further concentration. <strong>London</strong> becomes a ‘magnet’ for many seeking their<br />
professional development, family and friends, likeminded people, involvement in national-scale<br />
organisations, networks, events and activities and so on. The ‘pull’ of <strong>London</strong> is therefore an<br />
upward spiral – the more people are attracted because of these reasons, the more reasons there<br />
are to attract others. The risk is that some set of circumstances might trigger a reversal of this<br />
process, resulting in a negative spiral (as witnessed in the past several decades in many towns<br />
and cities in the north of England). House prices, pollution, poor infrastructure, lack of health<br />
care, crime and so on, could all contribute to such a reversal, though the underlying economic<br />
conditions are likely to be the most important factors.<br />
MORI’s survey work for the GLA over the past two years provides evidence of the<br />
attractiveness of <strong>London</strong>. More people agreed that <strong>London</strong> had a positive rather than a negative<br />
record for culture and leisure, tolerance, parks and open spaces, easy accessibility, good<br />
relations between sections of the community, less discrimination than in the past, good schools<br />
and accessibility for people with disabilities (GLA 2002). Only on three issues did <strong>London</strong><br />
score a more negative than positive record: availability of good quality health services, being a<br />
‘green city’ and ‘clean’ city. The fact that 75% of respondents thought that <strong>London</strong> is not a<br />
clean city is highly significant to this study.<br />
About a quarter of MORI’s respondents were ‘very satisfied’ with <strong>London</strong> as a place to live and<br />
another half were ‘satisfied’, only one in ten said they were dissatisfied. It is interesting to note<br />
that a larger number of people are ‘very satisfied’ (about a 1/3 rd of respondents) with their<br />
neighbourhood rather than with <strong>London</strong> as a whole. That could indicate the negative aspects of<br />
being part of Greater <strong>London</strong> which are not necessarily so evident locally, or which are more<br />
readily adapted to locally through familiarity and experience. On the negative side, when asked<br />
whether their neighbourhood is getting better or worse, 38% of people said it was getting worse,<br />
compared to 24% who thought it was improving (GLA 2001). The corresponding figures for<br />
<strong>London</strong> as a whole were 47 and 19% respectively.<br />
The perception of negative costs associated with living in Greater <strong>London</strong> (as opposed to the<br />
respondents’ own neighbourhood) appears to be becoming more pronounced. Judging by the<br />
responses elsewhere in the MORI survey, these negative costs appear to be crime and security,<br />
cost of living, traffic congestion, lack of public transport and problems with public services<br />
(health and education). Slightly more than 1/3 rd of respondents said that they would tend to<br />
agree or strongly agreed that they would move out of <strong>London</strong> ‘if they could’. This is higher<br />
than the 20% of respondents who, in a separately posed question, thought that they were certain,<br />
very likely or fairly likely to move out of <strong>London</strong>. One interpretation of this is that 10% or so<br />
of the respondents do not feel able to move but would quite like to if they could.<br />
We should note that a major limitation of the use of MORI data here is that we do not have a<br />
comparator data-set for other cities in the UK, EU and further afield. If we had had such data,<br />
we would have been able to get a much better understanding of the relative attractiveness of<br />
different cities, against which the impacts of climate change could have been evaluated.<br />
Unfortunately, such detailed survey data is only available for <strong>London</strong> as far as we have been<br />
able to ascertain. There are perhaps fewer incentives for those in <strong>London</strong> to leave the city than<br />
residents of other parts of the UK because opportunities are generally higher in the capital than