04.06.2014 Views

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

102 Chapter 7<br />

Of course, throughout his chapter Theunis refers to <strong>this</strong> tension.<br />

He discusses the tension as it manifests itself in that old bugbear of<br />

constitutional theorists, the counter-majoritarian dilemma — the<br />

dilemma that democratically unaccountable courts through the<br />

exercise of their power to review conduct of the representative<br />

branches of government get to trump formal expressions of the<br />

collective will. Although Theunis develops a nuanced response to <strong>this</strong><br />

aspect of the dilemma 25 he goes no further than that — and therein<br />

lies the gap.<br />

The counter-majoritarian dilemma, as we all well know, is but one<br />

example of the tension between rights and democracy. It is an<br />

institutional rendition of it that focuses on the tension between rights<br />

and democracy only as it is mediated through the democratic<br />

institutions of government. An exclusive focus on the countermajoritarian<br />

dilemma leaves out of account the tension between<br />

rights and the work of courts in enforcing them on the one hand, and<br />

the non-institutional aspects of democracy — the political practice or<br />

culture of democracy that operates inside and outside of the formal<br />

institutions of democracy — on the other.<br />

The different examples of the tension described in <strong>this</strong> noninstitutional<br />

manner are well known. Critics have for example pointed<br />

out that the work of courts applying a constitution can exercise a<br />

stifling effect on democratic political action by destroying the various<br />

forms of social organisation upon which such action depends. 26 Courts<br />

enforcing constitutional rights can also, so it has been argued, work<br />

to erode democracy by promoting ‘a false expectation in<br />

disadvantaged individuals and groups that the pursuit of legal rights<br />

through the courts can effect lasting social change’ whereas ‘rights ...<br />

operate instead to ... channel potentially radical demands for change<br />

into legal claims which, by definition, will not be disruptive of the<br />

social and economic status quo.’ 27 Constitutional law as enforced<br />

through courts can finally discourage democratic political action<br />

simply by bracketing previously contested social questions as<br />

25 Roux (n 1 above) 81-84.<br />

26<br />

See J Habermas ‘Law as medium and law as institution’ in G Teubner (ed)<br />

Dilemmas of law in the welfare state (1986) 204 211. See also JWG van der Walt<br />

The twilight of legal subjectivity: Towards a deconstructive republican theory of<br />

law (1995) unpublished LLD dissertation, Rand Afrikaans University 324. For a<br />

recent exploration of the different facets of <strong>this</strong> problem in a South African<br />

context, see L Williams ‘Issues and challenges in addressing poverty and legal<br />

rights: A comparative United States/South African analysis’ (2005) 21 South<br />

African Journal on Human Rights 436.<br />

27 M Jackman ‘Constitutional rhetoric and social justice: Reflections on the<br />

justiciability debate’ in J Bakan & D Schneiderman (eds) Social justice and the<br />

constitution: Perspectives on a social union for Canada (1992) 17 22. For<br />

discussions of <strong>this</strong> problem in the South African literature, see S Wilson ‘Taming<br />

the constitution: Rights and reform in the South African education system’ (2004)<br />

20 South African Journal on Human Rights 418 423-424.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!