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Stu Woolman 215<br />

material support (eg, food) and immaterial support (eg, civil liberties)<br />

that enables individuals to pursue a meaningful and comprehensive<br />

vision of the good — as they understand it. 67<br />

As recent case law suggests, the Court has moved beyond a<br />

minimalist understanding of dignity, and a negative conception of<br />

freedom, to something richer and more substantial. In Grootboom the<br />

Constitutional Court announced: ‘A society must seek to ensure that<br />

the basic necessities of life are provided to all if it is to be a society<br />

based on dignity, equality, and freedom.’ 68 In Khosa v Minister of<br />

Social Development, the Court commits the state to the provision of<br />

actual resources, social assistance, to an identifiable class of persons<br />

— permanent residents. In so doing, the Court moves well beyond<br />

dignity as negative liberty to a vision of dignity in which ‘wealthier<br />

members of the community view the minimal well-being of the poor<br />

as connected with their personal well-being and the well-being of the<br />

community as a whole.’ 69<br />

Dignity qua collective responsibility for material agency moves us<br />

towards a Sen-like capabilities model. Moreover, it does so without<br />

being susceptible to the critique of dignity qua negative liberty<br />

levelled by exponents of substantive equality. The capabilities model<br />

defines equal treatment in terms of the provision of differently<br />

situated persons with the material and immaterial means that they,<br />

in particular, require to pursue some specific vision of the good. So,<br />

for example, Sen argues that pregnant women need more nutrition<br />

than men and that any basic food program is obliged to recognise <strong>this</strong><br />

difference in a basic nutritional package. 70<br />

Dignity modelled on a Sen-like capabilities model also appears to<br />

answer the charge that a commitment to substantive autonomy reinscribes<br />

the disadvantage of those persons who find themselves in a<br />

state of injury. A capabilities model does not underscore the lack of<br />

such primary goods as income or civil liberties into the capability ‘to choose a life<br />

one has reason to value’ — or in simpler terms, the ability to pursue one’s own<br />

ends. Sen (n 33 above) 75. The virtue of Sen’s approach is that it recognises (a)<br />

the heterogeneity of capacity that people possess by virtue of biology, custom, or<br />

class; (b) the heterogeneity of critical functions — from nourishment to civic<br />

participation — that may be required to live a life one has reason to value; and (c)<br />

the heterogeneity of capabilities that people will possess — different combinations<br />

of more basic functions — which will, in turn, enable them to pursue<br />

different visions of the good.<br />

67 Sen (n 33 above) 75. See also K van Marle ‘No last word: Reflections on the<br />

imaginary domain, dignity and intrinsic worth’ (2002) 13 Stellenbosch Law Review<br />

299 306<br />

68 n 29 above, para 83.<br />

69<br />

n 25 above, para 74.<br />

70 Sen (n 33 above) 189–203.

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