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32 Chapter 2<br />

myself — fails to take crisis as its departure point, and thus fails to<br />

take the needs and the concerns of those it serves seriously. 11 They<br />

argue that the law is willing to sacrifice those persons most in need of<br />

its protection and then allege, with some merit, that the law does so<br />

in the name, but not necessarily the service, of a just and fair social<br />

order. These charges are serious indeed. Professor Johan van der Walt<br />

has recently devoted an entire book to elucidating these theses. 12<br />

And when he writes that law constitutes ‘the sacrificial selfdestruction<br />

of hospitality, the self-destruction that takes place with<br />

every attempt to give effect to hospitality,’ it is hard not to concede<br />

that even when we take the moral salience of every action — be it<br />

public or private — into account, that all law and all human action<br />

involves some form of sacrifice. In Van der Walt’s words:<br />

[T]he horizontalising demand for justification will require agents of<br />

disempowerment to provide concrete information as to why the<br />

particular form of disempowerment cannot or could not be avoided. This<br />

information will not, of course, level the playing field, or it will only<br />

level it on a symbolic level. However, the consistent demand for<br />

information that justifies the curtailment of fundamental rights will<br />

serve consistently to destabilise the position of anyone implicated in<br />

such curtailments. Constant exposure to public scrutiny will leave their<br />

positions less entrenched then they would have been were they able to<br />

rely on privileges and immunities. 13<br />

Those of us who work in the guild of constitutional law-masons —<br />

whether academics, jurists, practitioners and students — cannot for a<br />

moment sit idly back and assume that the Constitution and all our<br />

lovely political institutions provide an answer for the depredations of<br />

apartheid or the desolations of our current political order. Van der<br />

Walt is correct in noting that the Constitution is but a way station, a<br />

stop on a never-ending journey towards a more just political order.<br />

The virtue of such work as his is to wipe any smugness off the face of<br />

those of us who work within <strong>this</strong> constitutional order and think that<br />

such work is enough to set things right in a country where some 50 per<br />

cent of us — at one time or another — experience hunger and<br />

homelessness. Every act in every day South African life, Van der Walt<br />

reminds us, possesses an unavoidable moral salience. Or rather, we<br />

avoid that moral salience — and the sacrifices those acts entail — at<br />

the peril of our ‘souls’.<br />

11 See T Madlingozi ‘Legal academics and progressive politics in South Africa: Moving<br />

beyond the Ivory Tower’ (2006) 2 <strong>PULP</strong> Fictions: A Space for Dialogue 5. But see A<br />

Kok ‘A Reply to Tshepo Madlingozi’ (2006) 2 <strong>PULP</strong> Fictions: A Space for Dialogue<br />

25.<br />

12<br />

See J van der Walt Law and sacrifice (2006).<br />

13 n 10 above, 73.

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