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Reply - Marius Pieterse 337<br />

individual beneficiaries of socio-economic rights are empowered to<br />

participate on a more-or-less equal footing with more powerful<br />

institutional players. 19<br />

Provided that they are sufficiently legally or constitutionally<br />

empowered to do so, judges may contribute invaluably to the<br />

translation of socio-economic rights through their interpretation and<br />

vindication of these rights in the concrete contexts of particular<br />

cases. Given that socio-economic rights are fully justiciable under the<br />

Final Constitution, that it grants courts significant interpretative<br />

leeway and remedial flexibility and that it requires of them to take<br />

rights’ international law meaning into account when considering their<br />

content, there can be little doubt that South African courts are<br />

empowered to engage in generous, purposive and thoroughly<br />

theorised interpretation of socio-economic rights. 20 Moreover, judges<br />

are generally regarded as being reasonably well-equipped translators.<br />

Judges are independent and impartial, as well as trained,<br />

experienced and skilled in the interpretation of legal provisions and<br />

their application in concrete cases. 21 Courts are further well-placed<br />

to correct for problems occasioned by legislative ‘blind spots’ or<br />

‘burdens of inertia’, 22 not least because they ‘handle real cases and<br />

thus can test more effectively the particular implications of abstract<br />

principles and discover problems the legislature could not forecast’. 23<br />

But there are also important reasons not to award judges a<br />

monopoly over the translation of socio-economic rights. Most<br />

obviously, judges lack the direct democratic legitimacy associated<br />

with the legislative and political branches of government. They are<br />

also generally drawn from privileged sectors of society: as a result,<br />

they are often unfamiliar with, or insensitive to, the needs and the<br />

experiences of society’s materially deprived sectors. Furthermore,<br />

South African judges have been trained in a formalist and liberalindividualist<br />

legal culture that is not favourably disposed towards the<br />

notion of enforceable socio-economic rights. 24<br />

19 See D Davis ‘Socio-economic rights in South Africa: The record of the<br />

Constitutional Court after ten years’ (2004) 5(5) Economic and Social Rights<br />

Review 3 7.<br />

20 See, eg, FC secs 36, 38 and 39(1). For discussion of these and other ‘enabling’<br />

provisions, see M Pieterse ‘Resuscitating socio-economic rights: Constitutional<br />

entitlements to health care services’ (2006) 22 South African Journal on Human<br />

Rights 473 478-479.<br />

21 See also M Pieterse ‘Coming to terms with judicial enforcement of socio-economic<br />

rights’ (2004) 20 South African Journal on Human Rights 383 395.<br />

22 Dixon (n 2 above) text accompanying n 79.<br />

23 H Spector ‘Judicial review, rights and democracy’ (2003) 22 Law & Philosophy 285<br />

319.<br />

24 For a discussion of these and related problems, see Pieterse (n 21 above) 390-399.

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