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256 Chapter 15<br />

unjustifiably infringes rights while the egalitarian vision compels<br />

calculated and measured steps by the state towards the attainment<br />

of a fairer and more compassionate society. The right to equality had<br />

to be construed in a manner that did not intrude into and inhibit the<br />

enforcement of socio-economic and other rights. When the process of<br />

interpreting the Interim Constitution started, we could not be entirely<br />

sure as to which vehicle would be best suited to achieve the object of<br />

improving the quality of life of all persons and freeing the potential<br />

of each person. Hence it made sense to allow each right and cluster<br />

to which it belonged to develop incrementally and not to engage<br />

prematurely in expansive reflection that might have retarded the<br />

development of perhaps more relevant and directly applicable rights.<br />

With the growth, development and interpretation of all rights, the<br />

vista is much clearer now and thus it is now more appropriate for<br />

expansive development of egalitarian principles.<br />

The ‘cautious’ equality was able to yield the far reaching and<br />

radical result of moving <strong>this</strong> society within a period of just over ten<br />

years from a legal context in which it was a criminal offence for<br />

consenting males to engage in sexual conduct to one where the state<br />

is obliged to regulate gay and lesbian marriages in a materially<br />

comparable manner to that which applies to opposite sex marriages.<br />

Other momentous journeys in the history of constitutional law were a<br />

lot more protracted and incremental. In the US, the validation of the<br />

segregationist ‘separate but equal’ doctrine in Plessy v Ferguson 4 was<br />

overturned almost 58 years later in Brown v Board of Education. 5 The<br />

major rapid change in South Africa that affirmed gays and lesbians as<br />

persons of equal worth took place through litigation — based on the<br />

rights to equality and to dignity — and involved minimal legislative<br />

inter-vention.<br />

Constitutional space exists for individuals and organisations to<br />

achieve far reaching, almost revolutionary, changes. While the<br />

organised gay and lesbian community contributed to <strong>this</strong><br />

development, it would be unjustifiably benevolent to attribute these<br />

profound changes in the law to an organised and carefully thought out<br />

systematic pattern of litigation. The courts were primarily responsible<br />

for these changes. In National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality<br />

v Minister of Justice (‘NCGLE’), 6 the Court set aside laws that<br />

criminalised consensual sexual conduct (sodomy) between male<br />

adults. Rather than relying on the directly applicable right to privacy,<br />

the matter was decided primarily on the basis of equality and dignity.<br />

The tracks laid down, ultimately led to the decision in Fourie. Our<br />

4 Plessy v Ferguson 163 US 537 (1896).<br />

5 Brown v Board of Education 347 US 483 (1954)<br />

6<br />

National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality & Another v Minister of Justice &<br />

Others 1999 1 SA 6 (CC), 1998 12 BCLR 1517 (CC).

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