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Reply - Marius Pieterse 341<br />

In any event, the Constitutional Court’s rejection of minimum<br />

core arguments in Grootboom and, especially, TAC, seemed to be<br />

motivated by more than concern about the dialogic disadvantages<br />

that are arguably inherent to the approach. Consider, for instance,<br />

the following statements in TAC:<br />

It is impossible to give everyone access even to a ‘core’ service<br />

immediately. All that is possible, and all that can be expected of the<br />

state, is that it act reasonably to provide access to the socio-economic<br />

rights identified in sections 26 and 27 on a progressive basis. 38<br />

Section 27(1) of the Constitution does not give rise to a self-standing and<br />

independent positive right enforceable irrespective of the considerations<br />

mentioned in section 27(2). Sections 27(1) and 27(2) must be<br />

read together as defining the scope of the positive rights that everyone<br />

has and the corresponding obligations on the state to ‘respect, protect,<br />

promote and fulfill’ such right. The rights conferred by sections 26(1)<br />

and 27(1) are to have ‘access’ to the services that the state is obliged to<br />

provide in terms of sections 26(2) and 27(2). 39<br />

These passages suggest that the Court’s rejection of the minimum<br />

core approach was at least partly motivated by an aversion to the<br />

notion of individual entitlement. 40<br />

This aversion was, in turn, also the driving force behind the<br />

Court’s opting for the reasonableness approach. This conclusion<br />

seems to be borne out by the fact that the approach appears to entail<br />

little or no enforceable entitlement for the beneficiaries of socioeconomic<br />

rights. 41 Indeed, both Liebenberg and minimum core<br />

proponents’ main criticism of the ‘reasonableness approach’ is that it<br />

fails to engage meaningfully with the content of the rights. 42<br />

This ‘conceptual emptiness’ of socio-economic rights conceived in<br />

terms of ‘reasonableness’ seems to indicate a potentially significant<br />

drawback of the approach from a dialogic perspective. Indeed, it<br />

38<br />

TAC (n 29 above) para 35.<br />

39 TAC (n 29 above) para 39. See also paras 31-32, 34 (‘the socio-economic rights of<br />

the Constitution should not be construed as entitling everyone to demand that<br />

the minimum core be provided to them’); 125 (‘[w]e have held that [the] policy<br />

fails to meet constitutional standards. ... That does not mean that everyone can<br />

immediately claim access to such treatment’). See further Grootboom (n 28<br />

above) para 95 (‘neither section 26 nor section 28 entitles the respondents to<br />

claim housing or shelter immediately upon demand’).<br />

40 See also D Brand ‘The proceduralisation of South African socio-economic rights<br />

jurisprudence, or “what are socio-economic rights for?”’ in H Botha et al (eds)<br />

Rights and democracy in a transformative constitution (2003) 33 46; P de Vos ‘So<br />

much to do, so little done: The right of access to anti-retroviral drugs post-<br />

Grootboom’ (2003) 7 Law, Democracy & Development 83 89.<br />

41 See I Currie ‘Bill of Rights jurisprudence’ (2002) Annual Survey of South African<br />

Law 36 72; Pieterse (n 20 above) 487 and authorities cited there.<br />

42<br />

Liebenberg (n 3 above) 318-320. See also, eg, Bilchitz (n 30 above) 5-10; Pieterse<br />

(n 21 above) 410-411 and authorities cited there.

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