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164 Chapter 10<br />

Court might be understood to engage in norm-setting behaviour that<br />

provides guidance to other state actors without foreclosing the<br />

possibility of other effective safeguards for rights or other useful<br />

methods for their realisation. Fourth. A commitment to shared<br />

interpretation ratchets down the conflict between co-ordinate<br />

branches and levels of government. Instead of an arid commitment to<br />

separation of powers — and empty rhetorical flourishes about courts<br />

engaging in legal interpretation not politics — courts are freed of the<br />

burden of having to provide a theory of everything and can set about<br />

articulating a general framework within 26 which different understandings<br />

of the basic text can co-exist. The courts and all other<br />

actors have more to gain from seeing how variations on a given<br />

constitutional norm work in practice. Fifth. This experimentalist<br />

framework ought to reveal ‘best practices’ with respect to the<br />

realisation of constitutional objectives. These ‘best practices’ should,<br />

in turn, offer the courts, the political branches and the citizenry<br />

regular opportunities to re-think the meaning — and the constraints —<br />

of our basic law. 27<br />

Justice Ackermann, in National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian<br />

Equality v Minister of Home Affairs, gives expression to just the sort<br />

of institutional comity we have in mind when he writes that:<br />

It should also be borne in mind that whether the remedy a Court grants<br />

is one striking down, wholly or in part; or reading into or extending the<br />

text, its choice is not final. Legislatures are able, within constitutional<br />

limits, to amend the remedy, whether by re-enacting equal benefits,<br />

further extending benefits, reducing them, amending them, ‘finetuning’<br />

them or abolishing them. 28<br />

Shared responsibility for interpreting the Final Constitution does have<br />

its limits. The legislature must make a good faith attempt to revisit<br />

an issue in a new and constitutionally permissible way. Where, as in<br />

Satchwell I and II, Parliament refuses to take seriously a previous<br />

finding of constitutional invalidity, the courts are well within their<br />

rights to rebuff subsequent attempts to re-enact, in modified form,<br />

the offending statutory and regulatory framework. 29<br />

How then does shared constitutional interpretation inform our<br />

general approach to limitations analysis? The two-part structure of<br />

Bill of Rights analysis contains an invitation to non-judicial actors to<br />

26<br />

See F Michelman ‘Constitutional supremacy and appellate jurisdiction in South<br />

Africa’ S Woolman & M Bishop (eds) Constitutional conversations (2008) Chapter<br />

4.<br />

27<br />

See Woolman (n 5 above). See also Dorf & Friedman (n 5 above).<br />

28 2000 2 SA 1 (CC), 2000 1 BCLR 39 (CC) para 76.<br />

29 Satchwell v President of the Republic of South Africa 2002 (6) SA 1 (CC), 2002 9<br />

BCLR 986 (CC)(‘Satchwell I’); Satchwell v President of the Republic of South<br />

Africa 2003 4 SA 266 (CC), 2004 1 BCLR 1 (CC).

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