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Stu Woolman 203<br />

decision making processes that determine the ends of our community.<br />

As Justice Sachs notes in August v Electoral Commission:<br />

The universality of the franchise is important not only for nationhood<br />

and democracy. The vote of each and every citizen is a badge of dignity<br />

and of personhood. Quite literally, it says that everybody counts. 25<br />

3.5 Dignity 5: Collective responsibility for the material<br />

conditions for agency<br />

The fifth and final strand of the Court’s dignity jurisprudence widens<br />

our constitutional frame beyond individual ends and asks that we<br />

consider what it means for South Africa to be, as Kant would put it, a<br />

‘realm of ends’. 26 In a series of unfair discrimination and socioeconomic<br />

rights cases, the Constitutional Court has made it clear that<br />

our commitment to dignity does not flow entirely from, or is not<br />

limited to, the inalienable rights of individuals. Whether it has<br />

engaged the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS, 27 the urgent need for<br />

shelter, 28 or the desperation associated with summary evictions, 29<br />

the Constitutional Court has, over the past several years, repeatedly<br />

emphasised the fact that<br />

[i]t is not only the dignity of the poor that is assailed when homeless<br />

people are driven from pillar to post in a desperate quest for a place<br />

where they and their families can rest their heads. Our society as a<br />

25 See August v Electoral Commission 1999 3 SA 1 (CC), 1999 4 BCLR 363 (CC) para<br />

17. See also Minister of Home Affairs v National Institute for Crime Prevention<br />

2005 3 SA 280 (CC), 2004 5 BCLR 445 (CC); New National Party of South Africa v<br />

Government of the Republic of South Africa 1999 3 SA 191 (CC), 1999 4 BCLR 457<br />

(CC). This commitment to dignity qua self-governance is rather straightforward in<br />

the franchise cases. However, dignity qua self-governance is, in fact, where the<br />

Constitutional Court falters most conspicuously. Dignity qua self-governance<br />

ought to promote the Court’s commitment to representation reinforcing<br />

processes — most notably where our democratic processes cannot be profitably<br />

exploited by vulnerable minorities and out-groups. But Prince, Jordan, Robinson<br />

and De Reuck sound cautionary notes about the extent to which the Court will<br />

extend itself on behalf of non-traditional associations, vocations or professions. In<br />

these cases, the Court reinforces a traditional morality supported by a majority of<br />

South Africans and effectively undermines the efforts of these out-groups to<br />

determine the ends of their own lives. See Prince v President, Cape Law Society &<br />

Others 2002 2 SA 794 (CC), 2002 3 BCLR 231 (CC); S v Jordan & Others (Sex<br />

Workers Education and Advocacy Task Force & Others as Amici Curiae) 2002 6 SA<br />

642 (CC), 2002 11 BCLR 1117 (CC); De Reuck v Director of Public Prosecutions,<br />

Witwatersrand Local Division 2004 1 SA 406 (CC), 2003 12 BCLR 1333 (CC); Volks<br />

NO v Robinson 2005 5 BCLR 466 (CC).<br />

26 See Kant (n 8 above) 51.<br />

27<br />

See Hoffman v South African Airways 2001 1 SA 1 (CC), 2000 11 BCLR 1211 (CC).<br />

28 See Government of the Republic of South Africa & Others v Grootboom & Others<br />

2001 1 SA 46 (CC), 2000 11 BCLR 1164 (CC).<br />

29<br />

See Occupiers of 51 Olivia Rd & Others v City of Johannesburg & Others 2008 3 SA<br />

208 (CC).

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