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206 Chapter 12<br />

The ability to give our lives meaning and to determine the course<br />

by which we give our lives meaning, leads to the recognition that we<br />

are able to govern our selves. At a minimum, <strong>this</strong> recognition of our<br />

ability to govern our selves supports the more formal political<br />

recognition that just as each one of us is capable of and entitled to<br />

govern our individual self, so too each one of us is equally capable of<br />

legislating on behalf of the broader community of which we are a<br />

part. This mutual recognition of one another as rational beings<br />

capable of ordering the ends both of our own lives and of the larger<br />

community underwrites the final insight: That we not only live in a<br />

realm of ends, but that if such a realm is to have real meaning, we<br />

must be willing to order our community in a manner that enables each<br />

individual to realise their status as an end. It is simply not enough to<br />

(a) not turn away from suffering, (b) end discrimination and (c) grant<br />

all citizens the franchise. Once we recognise others as ends we must<br />

be committed — at some level — to the provision of those material<br />

means necessary to live as ends. To refuse them such means might<br />

render meaningless the more formal guarantees found in the Final<br />

Constitution. As the Court itself notes in Grootboom:<br />

The Constitution will be worth infinitely less than its paper if the<br />

reasonableness of state action concerned with housing is determined<br />

without regard to the fundamental constitutional value of human<br />

dignity. Section 26, read in the context of the Bill of Rights as a whole,<br />

must mean that the respondents have a right to reasonable action by the<br />

state in all circumstances and with particular regard to human dignity. In<br />

short, I emphasise that human beings are required to be treated as<br />

human beings. 35<br />

4 Uses of dignity<br />

The word ‘dignity’ is sprinkled about the text of the Final<br />

Constitution. It is a founding value: FC section 1(a). It acts as a<br />

cornerstone of both democracy and the Bill of Rights: FC section 7(1).<br />

It informs both our interpretation of the ambit of the specific<br />

substantive provisions of the Bill of Rights — FC section 39(1) — and<br />

our analysis of the justification of any limitation of a right or freedom<br />

— FC section 36. It governs the behaviour of our courts, other tribunals<br />

and state institutions supporting constitutional democracy: FC<br />

sections 165, 181, 196. It is, perhaps most importantly, the second<br />

substantive right identified in the Bill of Rights: FC section 10. That<br />

dignity operates as a first order rule, a second order rule, a<br />

correlative right, a value and a grundnorm — and sometimes all in a<br />

single case — is confirmed by Justice O’ Regan’s oft quoted dictum in<br />

Dawood:<br />

35 Grootboom (n 28 above) para 83 (my emphasis).

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